NELSON.

Lyttelton Times, Volume IV, Issue 216, 25 November 1854, Page 2

NELSON.

MEETING OP IHE WAIMEA EtECTOBS AT BICHMOND. (From the Nelson Examiner, Oct. 18./ A Meeting of the Electors of the Waimea District "was held at the Star and Garter, Richmond, on Wednesday evening, October 11. The meeting was called by Dr. Monro, one of the representatives of the district, for the purpose of laying before his constituents an explanation of "the events of the late sessions of the General Assembly. The attendance of electors was very numerous. F. Ottekson, Esq., M.P.C., having been called to the chair, Dr. M/oxro said he had received a requisition to be present the other evening when Mr. Trarers addressed the constituency. He was sorry, that he could not comply with that requisition. He regarded the meeting1 in question as in some respects of a private nature; a meeting at all events called by Mr. Travers to give to his constituents an explanation of his votes and policy ; and as he (Dr. Monro) had, during the latter part of the session, nearly constantly voted on the opposite side to his colleague, had they both been present at the same time to justify their conduct to the constituency, there would have been a connection of statement, and in fact a species of personal conflict, which he thought, looking to the position they occupied, had better be avoided, and would in fact be hardly decent. Nevertheless, accepting this letter from his constituents as an indication that they wished to hear from him something of what had taken place, he had great pleasure in meeting their wishes, and was prepared to give them all .the, information he could. His embarrassment at the outset arose from the abundance and variety of his materials. The events of the sessions had been so important and varied, and some of them so much controverted, that it was most difficult to make a selection He thought, however, he could not be wrongif he commenced with the subject of responsible government, which, after all, in various points of view had been the principal subject and battle ground of the sessions. Responsible government >vas not the happiest expression in the world, as it did not convey a clear idea of what was meant by the term. While the laws of the country were made by a Legislature responsible to the people, they certainly possessed to a considerable extent what might be termed responsible government; but something more than this" was meant by the expression. It was intended to express a condition of things, in which not only the Legislature should be a responsible body, but the Executive also.should be responsible and subordinate to that Legislature: in fact, a form of government similar to that prevailiug in England, in which the officers of the Executive, the men who direct the policy and generally conduct the government of the country, are selected from the strongest party in the. Houses of Parliament. A more correct designation is Parliamentary government. It is the form of government in which the will of the nation, as signified through its representatives, has the highest expression : one of its cardinal features being this, that the Crown rarely or ever interferes in the business of legislation, all the responsibility resting with its ministers. Such a form of government has no existence in the United Suites, either in its congress or in the governments of the different states. The reason is obvious. Tae President, or head of the Government, is elected, and he is elected to perform certain duties, of which, without a breach of trust, he cannot divest himself. He cannot place himself in the position of the Crown in England; the constitution does not admit of it. He is, in virtue of his office, an active political officer, and a responsible officer, and his ministers are only his official servants, who remain at their posts, and, so far as they can, carry out his policy even in the teeth of adverse votes of the Legislature. The parallel holds with regard to our Provincial Councils. The .Superintendent is elected, and, by our Constitution Act, is elected to active political duties. He cannot transfer his own responsibility u> subordinates, and therefore in such a state of things responsible government, in any proper sense of the ■words, is an impossibility. He would now explain to them ■what the. e«iiuitimi •>■; Cue. colony was in this respect when the General Assembly met. There was then a legislative body, satisfactory enough, in existence.; but tin- Kxrcuiive body was something totally distinct and apart

from the former, and not necessarily in any relation of sympathy with it. There was no directing spirit in their councils, not even any organ of communication, no one present to afford explanations or answer, a questiou. In the House of Representatives the Government was entirely unrepresented; in the Legislative Council there was the Attorney General, but he, as Mr. Fitz Gerald humourously remarked, had run to earth in the Speaker's chair, where of course it was not his business to speak. The houses might, it was true, communicate with the Executive by address to the Governor, and by reply—a mode of conducting business which consumes days where minutes might suffice, and which after all is miserably unsatisfactory. In short, for all the purposes of practical and beneficial legislation, the condition of things when the Assembly met was anything but propitious. Well, a resolution in favour of responsible government, ably and eloquently moved by Mr. Wakefield, senior, was the first real business entered on : it was discussed for two days, and ultimately carried with only one dissentient voice. His (Dr. Monro's) name would not be found in the division list; he, was unavoidably absent when the house divided; but he spoke in favour of the. principle^ though not shutting his eyes to the difficulties with which the question "was encompassed. He might state that one of his chief reasons for voting for it, in addition to the considerations to which he had already adverted, was, that he saw in it a means by which strength and vigour would be given to the General Government; for it was evident that an Executive body conducting the business of the country in harmony with the Legislature would act with a degree of vigour, and inspire confidence and satisfaction, to an extent which could not be expected from an Executive which although it might be composed of able and public spirited men, was nevertheless one over +vhich the colonists had no control, and which, sensible of the want" of sympathy existing between them, couldnot fail to be comparatively feeble and, undecided. For his part, he considered that a strong and efficient General Government might render important services to. New Zealand ; and when he went to the meeting of the General Assembly, one of his chief hopes and'aspirations had been that it might become the instrument by which the foundation of a New Zealand nationality should be securely laid. Well, the Governor, having received the resolution of the house on the subject of Responsible Government, and having previously taken; the opinion of the Attorney-General out the question, expressed his willingness to meet our views, and to give effect to them by adding to the Executive Council three gentlemen holding seats injthe Housejof Representatives—these gentlemen to remain members of the Executive Council only so long as they could command the confidence of the majority of the house. Under this arrangement, Messrs. Fitz Gerald, Weld, and Sewell were sworn in members of the Executive Council in the House of Representatives ; and after a short time -Mr.- Bell, and afterwards Mr. Bartley, represented the Government as responsible minister in the Legislative Council. The task these gentlemen had to execute was really a Herculean one. They had to make themselves acquainted with an immense mass of details scattered through the different offices of the Government, and at the same time they had to take a general view of the requirements of the country, and frame a suitable and consistent policy. To this task he bore testimony that they brought a great degree of ability, zeal, and public spirit. .They had necessarily but a short time to make their arrangements, but the programme which they laid before the house bore witness to their statesmanlike abilities. They received from the house a general promise of support. This he (Dr. Monro) had had no difficulty in redeeming; for though he occasionally voted against them, still he more frequently voted on their side, and always with pleasure ; for even when they differed from him, he had every reason to believe they were pursuing an honest, straightforward and unselfish course. At this period, various important measures were discussed by the house, and passed through various stages: there was the Executive Government KA, for instance,which defined the character of the Executive Government of the colony, and sought to establish »the principle of ministerial responsibility on the basis of law. By.his bill the patent offices were virtually abolished,, the salaries'being taken out of the Civil List, but voted in the way of permanent enactment; and the tenure of the offices

for the future made to depend, not upon appointment by the Grown, but upon die pleasure of the Governor. By this bill also, return"pensions were provided for those oilicers whose patent offices the bill was to destroy. This bill, it is to be remarked, was (like all the other bills submitted to the house); approved of- by the whole of the members of the Executive Couucil, irresponsible as well as .responsible,* and,'us it appeared at that time all but certain that it would become law in one or two months, it was justly held by members as warranting them in the perfect belief th.it complete ministerial responsibility was a thing to which the Governor and all the members of his-Executive Council had made: up .: their minds, and; were taking steps to carry into execution. A« Empowering bill, by which uniform powers derived from the General Assembly were to be given to the Provincial Governments, was also passed through committee ; a Revenues bill, a Public lleserves bill, and various others of great importance were forwarded several stages; and last, though not least, a Waste Lands* Bill, upon which there was, as there always .will be, a great deal of discussion. At the same time, various committees were at work, investigating subjects of much importance to the community. Well, things were in this state, when one afternoon he heard a rumour that ministers were about to resign—a rumour which was very shortly afterwards confirmed by statements made from the ministerial bench. The hitch was this:—lt appeared that the responsible ministers thought the time had come when the old officials should distinctly state that they were prepared to resign their offices at some given and not distant time ; but these gentlemen, with the exception of the Colonial Secretary, declined to tender their resignations, or to advise the Governor to request them to do so. The responsible ministers then, finding that the advice of the irresponsible ministers was taken in preference to theirs^ and feeling that through the representations they had made, the house had been induced to carry out a system of legislation, by which great discretionary powers were to be given to the Executive, implying of course that > thatxExecutive was. to : be-a responsible .one, tendered their resignations, [which were accepted, and so fell the first responsible ministers of New Zealand. Now these transactions have been most largely commented on, and have been the subject of warm controversy in the Legislature and out of the Legislature: in the newspapers, and generally among the public. The chief point raised has been, were the Governor and the old officials in the right: and in particular were the latter sustained in their refusal to resign by the terms of their arrangement f He would not pretend to. enter upon this subject: if he .did so, he was certain lie should exhaust their patience, and perhaps his powers of speech; they had seen the documents and could judge for themselves. He would only say that the letters of the old officials might be read an, two senses ; that they had been explained to the house in a particular sense by their colleagues, and that explanation had not been contradicted by those who wrote them in the other sense : that upon this understanding the house had carried on a course of legislation of a peculiar character, which, if the responsible ministers were wrong, would have to be undone or materially modified; and that, after all, the house had nothing to do with disputes among his Excellency's official servants about a certain portion of them giving in their resignations. The house had been informed by the sworn members of his Excellency's Executive Council, not once, but repeatedly, that the patent offices were shortly to be destroyed, so that the Government should be carried on by^ a responsible Executive ; and this statement, made to the house in the face of the world by his Excellency's representatives, was reasonably considered as pledging: his Excellency to the step. His own opinion of the matter was this •. that the responsible Ministers were, strictly speaking, justified in calling upon the old officials to resign : but at : the same time he thought there was a want of tact, and perhaps some little hurry, in their doing it at the time and in the way they did. Had he been in their place, he would not have done it: and, in particular, he would not have required the resignation of the Attorney-General. It is well known that since Sir George Grey left, the Attorney General has -■ been the principal adviser of the Governor, who naturally reposes in him an amount of trust anil confidence which he could not be expected readily to transfer to any other person. The Colonial Secretary was willing, nay, he believed

anxious to resign ; and did tender his resignation : and the Colonial Treasurer might probably have resigned after the Executive Government Bill was passed. At all events, he thought arrangements might have been made by which the responsible element might have been introduced into the Executive to an extent which would have satisfied the scruples of the house: which they would have been prepared to accept at all events as a first instalment. In this crisis his Excellency sent for Mr. E. G. Wakefield ; hut why, or upon what grounds, it did not exactly appear. Mr. W. had no party in the house, and his conduct had not been such as to inspire much confidence in him. Disappointed vanity had led him to carp at the acts of the ministers, and finally he became their settled opponent. The Governor, of course, could send for any one he chose : hut, in such circumstances, the usage ot parliamentary government is, that the person temporarily called to the councils of the head of the Executive is understood to he sent for with a view to advising upon the formation of a fresh ministry. If he is unable to assist in this, then, like Othello, " bis occupation's gone." But Mr. Wakefield, although avowedly unable to do or advise anything towards the formation of a ministry, continued to advise the Governor, who, it was believed, acted upon his advice: at all events, Mr. Wakefield informed the house that such was the case, emphatically declaring that he was the sole adviser of the Governor, and as emphatically repudiating all connexion or concert with the old members of the Executive. If any of these gentlemen should presume to interfere, Mr. Wakeh'eld's expression whs, that he should take up his hat and walk out. This was a new position for a country to be in ; to have virtually at the head of its Executive department a man entirely irresponsible, unsworn to any office, unknown to the constitution : Mr. E. G. Wakefield, in short, responsible to nobody but Mr. E. G. Wakefield. A long and most important message having come down from the Governor, avowedly written by Mr. Wakefield, be (Dr. Monro) then moved a reply, in which, before answering the substance of the message, the anomalous and unconstitutional condition of his Excellency's councils was pointed out, and his Excellency besought to have recourse, in a most serious crisis, to the advice of those who, if not responsible to the house, were at all events sworn to advise his Excellency rightly, and were responsible to the Grown. His Excellency's answer was to the effect that in all the steps he had taken, he had had the consent and concurrence of the old officers. As this statement was difficult to reconcile with Mr. Wakefield's threat of taking up his hat, that gentleman then informed the house that they were quite mistaken and that he had never said he was his Excellency's sole adviser. The effect of this statement was to make the house groan ; and one of Mr. Wflkefield's admirers, a stranger present in the gallery, told him (Dr. Monro) afterwards, that when he heard Mr. Wakefield make that statement, he was obliged to hang down his head with shame. An exchange of messages next took place between the Governor and the house, the house finally praying his Excellency to concede to them complete ministerial responsibility. This his Excellency declared is inability to do: and, after the lapse of about a fortnight from the resignation of the responsible portion of the Executive, the house was prorogued one forenoon. This was not done in the most decorous or dignified manner: on the contrary, the proceeding was, in the way it was put into execution, indecent and tricky. A message was sent to the house to inform them of his Excellency's intention to prorogue: but while this act of courtesy was apparently extended to the house it was in appearance only, for the Speaker had hardly finished reading the first message before a second message was announced : and his Excellency's messenger, who had been in ambush behind the door, burst in with this same second message, which, as was justly surmised by the house, contained a Gazette, wilh a proclamation proroguing the Assembly. Hereupon scenes ensued which, it must be admitted, bordered upon the indecorous, and which, perhaps, had better have been omitted. He had heard this spoken of as very shocking, very horrible, very disgraceful, and so forth; and elderly gentlemen shook their heads, and looked things more expressive than words. For his part, he could not feel very much horrified, or even very much ashamed of what had happened. lie believed that similar scenes had occurred in almost ovary popular Legislature, and would be

suve to occur when men were in earnest; when they felt that the}' had important constitutional privileges to defend. The shame, if any, of these proceedings should rather lie at the door of those who counselled undignified tricks, coups d'etat, and who insulted the house. The house was prorogued for a fortnight, a period of anxiety and varying councils to the Executive. Various gentlemen were sent for to advise the Governor in the emergency ; among others, he (Dr. Monro) was sent for. The advice he gave the Governor was this: not to attempt again to form any ministry, but to bring the Session to a close vvitli the old officials; and to get the Estimates prepared as speedily as possible, for the most urgent business was to grant supplies for the public service. Any attempt to form a responsible ministry appeared to him, after what had happened, certain to fail, and only calculated to injure the public service. Notwithstanding this advice, which he believed the Governor received from more than himself, the day before that fixed for the opening of the second session he was astonished to learn that a responsible ministry had been formed, consisting of Messrs. Forsaith, E.J.Wakefield, Travers, and Macandrew. It was impossible to feel much respect fora ministry formed under such circumstances, or even to regard them as occupying a proper and constitutional position. The party out of which they were selected had never numbered more than 11, or less than one-third of the house, and their real guide and director had conducted himself in a manner which had produced an irrecoucileable breach between him and the majority. They therefore never could have expected to be able to carry on the business of the country; but probably calculated upon the Governor dissolving the house as soon as they had come before the country with a claptrap policy: or, at all events, should the dissolution not take place, the fruits of that policy might tell in their favour at subsequent elections. A ministry that plays such a game is not entitled to much respect. But this was not the only unconstitutional thing they did. In order to give to their views all the weight and sanction which they might derive from having been in the mouth of the Representative of the Crown, they actually got his Excellency to deliver a long speech full of a very funny policy, and going into the most minute details with regard to his intentions. Now this is a proceeding utterly at variance with the practice of responsible government. Under that system, the Crown says as little as possible, and for the best of reasons: because, as the ministry of to-day, which may be Protectionist, may be succeeded by the ministry of to-morrow, which may be Free-trade, it is desirable of course for the Crown to avoid the awkwardness of perpetually changing its mind, and declaring that it will do things which perhaps it may have no choice of doing. And so, in this country: if you have no responsible Government, then let the Crown take an active share in the management of the country, and say what it is going to do, and do it. But if you are to have government by the Parliament of the country, then the Crown will do wisely to say as little as possible, and confine thatlittleto generalities, avoiding all minuteness

and detail. All explanations of details should in that case be made by ministers, who are under that system the real Governors, and responsible. One would have supposed that the mover of the original resolution in favour of responsible government would have known this, but perhaps it was not convenient. Or perhaps, the Prime Minister, Mr. Fovsaith, intended practically to illustrate his disregard of the system : be this however as it may, they contrived among; them to make a fool of the Governor, and persuaded him to deliver one of the most extraordinary speeches, he would he bound to say. that ever issued from the mouth of any British Governor. Not that there were not some things in it which most people approved of: but mixed up with these there were a large proportion of extraordinary matter greatly outweighing the former. As a sample of tins, they got the Governor to say that, should the seat of government be removed from Auckland, it was his opinion that the colony should be dismembered., and a Lieu-tenant-Governor placed at Auckland. This was done to catch the sweet breath of the Auckland! tos. Then they made him say that by virtue of his prerogative lie was going to di> certain tilings with regard to the Waste Lands : forgetting that since the passing of the Constitution Act the prerogative of the Crown does not reach the waste lands of New Zealand, and that the only authority the Governor possessed

was derived from a despatch of the Secretary off State, and that authority, when looked into, only extended up to the period when the General Assembly should meet. So that in fact, the General Assembly having met, the Governor had no more power of dealing with the waste lands of his own authority, than he (Dr. Monro) had. There was another notable clause, recommending that the Provincial Councils should he allowed to coin and issue money. This wa» intended to catch the suffrages of the good people of Otago, who are hungry for the Scotch system of banking and the issue of paper money. But the great trump card of their policy was the reservation of a third of the land of the colony for what was called the working settler. This was the favourite scheme of Mr. E. G. Wakefield—a scheme entirely at variance With all his former colonizing theories, which he has abandoned without any sufficient reason, except that he sees they do not work ; and as this plan of reservation occupied a good deal of the attention of the house, he might perhaps be excused if he said a few words about it. It was enquired of Mr. Wakefield who the class was that this plan was intended to benefit: in other words, what did he mean by a working settler ? Mr. Wakefield does not like being driven into definition corners; but it appeared, after some explanation, that the working settler meant, in fact, a resident colonist. So that the plan was one by which one-third of the waste lands was to be set apart for actual colonists and residents. Now it occurred to several people, of whom be (Dr. Monro) was one, that if this was a good plan for one-third of the waste lands, it would be still better if applied to the whole : and in fact it almost appeared as if the Legislature, in reserving one-third for the actual colonist, made a dedication of the remaining two-thirds to the service of the land shark. But it appeared to most of the members in the house that it was quite unnecessary that they should occupy themselves with any details of the sort. A bill had passed the second reading, which affirmed the principle that the waste lands of the colony were virtually to he managed by the Provincial Councils, and that principle having been affirmed, the house did not think it expedient to interfere in the details. With regard to any exceptional laws in favour of the working classes in the disposal of land, he could not believe that any such were needed, or were desired by the working classes themselves. The working classes were most fully represented by a suffrage which was almost universal, and he thought that their interests must therefore be* fully regarded in the Legislature. But in fact this tenderness of that party towards tha working settlers was extremely suspiciousTaken along with other matter?, one thing throwing light upon the other, he must say it looked very much like popularity hunting. As Mr. Sewell with much truth remarked, "the class which the minority had before all others in their eye, was what might be termed working voters." Well, the Governor having delivered the speech of the second responsible ministry, the house again met for the despatch of business in its second session. An address in reply to the speech was moved by Mr. Forsaith, and an amendment, containing an expression of want of confidence, by him (Dr. Monro). The amendment was carried by a large majority, and the second responsible ministry, as a matter of. course, resigned. He did not think that they ever could have contemplated being able to carry on the government of the country : but he thought they were hardly prepared to be check-mated so soon. However, they had accomplished one of their objects, which wa« to place their policy before the country, and were extremely sanguine as to the crop which the seed sown would product;. But he thought they underrated the discrimination of the colonists of New Zealand. No timber attempt: was made to constitute responsible ministers. The house declared its willingness to grant supplies to the old Executive, and its anxiety to pass a few measures urgently required. There was but a fortnight in which to d:> this, but it was made the most of. The estimates occupied a great deal of time, hut in addition some dozen bills were passed. Of these, perhaps, the most importaut was the Waste Lands' Bill. Under the provisions of this act, the wasie lam's are now managed in conformity with law : virtually, the management will be iv the bauds of the Provincial Councils. The minority offered a most determined opposition to this measure. They had got the Governor to say he was going to manage the waste lauds

upon his own authority; that lie was going to appoint boards of administration, and commissions of enquiry, &c, &c. All this was mocked on the head by the Waste Lands Bill. '■' Ilinc illce lacryma" on the part of the minority ? They wanted the waste lands as a fulcrum" on which to rest the lever of agitation and popularity, and were sadly disappointed when the inflexible written statute placed itself in their path and balked them of their prey. Their loyalty upon the occasion amounted to servility. They said the avowed object of the Iriil was to restrain the Governor, and that it was a very dreadful,a very offensive, and a very disloyal,and a very discourteous thing to restrain a Governor: as if the operation of all the great bulwarks of liberty which Englishmen boast of, counting from Magna Charta downwards, was not to restrain the Governor, and as if the whole spirit of the English Constitution and jurisprudence was not to substitute the decisions of law for the caprice of an individual. He feared he had already exhausted their patieuce (No, no), but he was unwilling to | conclude without a few remarks upon the present political condition of the colony as affected by the proceedings of the past sessions. The state of the Government is this: The Executive is the same as it was when the Assembly met. Responsible Government is for the present a failure. The General Government has, no doubt, in consequence, been weakened, and to a corresponding extent the hands of the Provincial Councils are strengthened. Nevertheless, he did not consider the result of the first meeting of the General Legislature to be so discouraging as many people imagine. It was not to be expected that a number of representatives, many -without previous training to their duties, unknown to one another, ignorant of the .peculiar requirements of other parts of the colony, not versed in constitutional history or should proceed at the very first in that orderly and regular manner which might be expected from the practised Legislature of an old country. Legislation is a matter in which, as in other things, experience is commonly to be had only at the price of repeated failures. Nor is the result of a session to be measured by the number of bills passed in a given time. A Legislative body, comparatively unintelligent, may, if measures are only prepared for them, adopt them rapidly, and without criticism or alteration ; and it might even be argued, that tardiness in the manufacture of laws indicates that they are subject to a searching criticism, or at all events to the influence of many minds representing conflicting views and interests. Nor is this argument simply an imaginary one, or one which in practice is not met with. He thought it would be found that Legislative assemblies of uniform composition, created under circumstances not favourable to freedom, will pass laws rapidly, while iv a perfectly popular assembly, which freely represents the intelligence of a people, any measure, whatever its nature, will be seen to be tossed backwards and forwards and thoroughly ventilated in the free atmosphere of political activity. The failure of responsible government even in the modified form in which it was obtained is of course disappointing ; but it cannot be doubted that that object will be ultimately, and probably before very long, realized. The benefits of the session are to be looked for, first, in several useful measures •which have become law, but chiefly in the political lesson which the country has received, both by its representatives meeting from all its settlements ;md discussing questions of public interest, and also by the people generally reading these discussions ; and secondly in this, that the meeting of the General Assembly has given a political status to the colony which, up to that time, it did not possess, and will undoubtedly have the effect of infusing additional viv.mir, carefulness, and activity into all the (ifjKsrtrnents of the public service. If there Mas a wan! of experience, and insuine instances of constitutional knowledge, on the part of Tii' tnbejii of the house, there was on the whole a hirgc amount of ability and public spirit. Ami although faction did undoubtedly show it-elf, and was productive of much mischief, st'il, to the honour of the house, it was in a vevr Mtiali mimsritv. That which disappointed };it!i must was the temporary weakening of the Gtiifiral Government, in consequence of the iVilme of .ministerial responsibility. It is hn-po.'-siljje riot to see that ihrnugh this civctimKiiiiicj the Provincial Governments become Uiore i»4>oJt;mt, and that the colony, instead of

beiuff united round a common centre, is disunited and drawn by different and often antagonistic forces. He" must, at the same time, however, admit that his 'views of unity have become somewhat modified ; that he recognized the impossibility of carrying it out to the extent to which in theory he deemed it desirable. Jhe Provincial jealousies he found to be stronger than he had thought them to be ; while the isolation of the Provinces is so great, that even with such steam communication as we possess, intercourse is tedious, and in some measure uncertain. The Provinces will therefore necessarily play a more important part in the Government'of the country than he should have wished to see them do. In future years, as the wilderness becomes occupied, and the settled districts tend to coalesce with one another: when roads are made, and better communication by sea has been established, the colony will be in a more favourable condition for becoming a nation ; but by that time there will be old-es-tablished rivalries and jealousies, and there will be provincial customs and provincial laws, which it will be found difficult to abolish, and to conform to the system of one united country. If we look to history, we find that the provincial system has invariably been the condition of every European country precedent to its consolidation. England, as we all know, consisted at one time of seven provinces. France consisted of ten —Spain of several. Germany at the present day longs for nationality, but cannot obtain it. Italy, as Prince Metternicb said of it, is nothing but a geographical expression. Scotland has increased enormously in wealth since it was incorporated with England, and its richer sister has also derived benefit from the union. The two have attained to a higher degree of wealth, strength, and prosperity than they would have reached if remaining Separate. Then, if we look to Ireland, what a miserable picture of weakness, distraction, and poverty, does its early Ins to rj present. And was not Ithis in a great measure owing to the number of Superintendents and Provincial Councils which it contained (laughter) ? These, of course are extreme cases, intended to exhibit the weakness of disunion, and not quotod as exact parallels to our condition. But in fact, what that condition may ultimately be, depends much upon ourselves/ There is a tendency on the part of some of the Provinces towards complete independence, except for the purposes of federation—the American state of things. This he should very much deplore to see, and should resist to the uttermost. A grave responsibility now rested upon the Provincial Councils, and they had a .large career of usefulness before them if they would only keep themselves within their proper functions, and not forget how important and necessary to the strength and harmony of the country an efficient General Government must always be. He had now placed before them a brief account of the important" events of the- past sessions. What their verdict might be he could not say. Should his conduct have met with their approval, he would of course feel highly gratified ; but however that mipilit be, he had at all events this consolation, that in the conduct he had pursued, he was not aware of having been influenced by any factious or unworthy motives.

Mr. J. Hammond considered that the electors were greatly indebted to Dr. Monro for his services in the Assembly, as well as for the explanations which he had afforded them of his conduct; and he would be glad to see a proposition made to that effect. Mr. Alfred Saunders said that he believed they were all perfectly satisfied with the explanation which Dr. Monro had given of his conduct, but he wished to ask Dr. Monro whether he had voted for two large grants of public money in aid of the schools of the different religious bodies. Dr. Monro replied that he had supported the vole to the Church of England schools, but was absent from the house when the other votes were passed. Me had been prepared, however, to vote for all the sums in aid of education recommended by the Governor. Had there been a responsible Government, he would have liked to put various questions to the representatives of the Government with a view to eliciting some information respecting the grants proposed. As it was, there was no one in the house able to give any information on this or any other question connected with the estimates. Mr. Barnjcoat had great pleasure in moving a resolution, the general tenor of which he was sure would give entire satisfaction to the meet-

i. r , n " That this meeting, after attentively listening to the lucid exposition of Dr. Monro, is desirous of expressing its satisfaction with his general course of policy during the sessions just closed, especially with regard to Responsible Government, on which momentous question he has entirely approved himself to his constituents as a true and able representative of their views and interests." The resolution was seconded by Mr. Cautley.

Mr. Alfred Saunders, as a late opponent of Dr. Monro, begged to be allowed to make a few remarks. He thought that a vote of thanks on this occasion should not be an expression of po- v

litical opinion, but merely an approval of Dr. Monro's conduct during the past sessious. He had himself voted against Dr. Monro, and would do so again if another candidate came forward whose general opinions were more liberal than that gentleman's. He must, however, say that Dr. Monro was one of the few members who had not made a fool of himself or of his constituents. Unlike some he could name, he had practised no dirty tricks. He had not left the house, to get it counted out, or to avoid a division, and had never shrunk from giving his vote as an independent man. He had even shown that he considered the high office of the first Premier of the colony might be purchased at too high a price, if purchased at the expense of principle. He (Mr. Saunders) begged to remind the chairman and the meeting that the testimony of apolitical opponent was more valuable than the adulation of a political fvieiul. The resolution was then put by the Chairman, and carried unanimously amidst great applause. Dr. Monro thanked the meeting for the kind compliment paid him ; and hoped he might be allowed to refer to the flattering remarks of Mr. Saunders. The duties of the representatives had not been light. In the second session, they had sat frequently 16 hours daily. Much that had been done had been done hastily, and would probably in a future session require amendment. But whatever had been done, had been done for the benefit of the colony. A vote of thanks was given to the Chairman and the meeting dispersed.