THE CONSTITUTIONAL PARTY.

Lyttelton Times, Volume IV, Issue 193, 6 September 1854, Page 3

THE CONSTITUTIONAL PARTY.

(From the " Southern l?ro«.") Our lastiuunher nasdevoie.i i« r>-m:»>*s noonthe conduct <»f one, who by ceasrle.**. im*erupuhms, and iil.le selieinins—l>? W'-vt-iv.' "n tno mind ot » Governor wlio is as yet hut inexperienced in the duties „f his office, had brought t',i- C-lo»v i;i the n).;)!i:eni.!flip'-}jveiitesienier-.rennv, to "this unhappy pa-s. .It !>:«* now become our duty lo ensider the pri.cet-mugs.ol

those, from whose advent to power such fortuuate results had been predicted. They, likewise, are not exempt from blame ; but from blame of a widely different nature— from blame that trenches upon praise—from blame that could be attributed to the most sensitive without offence. Gentlemen of spotless honour and integrity— of far more than average ability—endowed with a capacity for labour that has excited the surprise of all, they have failed through judging others by themselves, through over ready credence in much profession, and through disregard of the warnings that were pressed upon them by well wishers who had experience of the old Officials. They entered office, justly confident in their own ability,—without kenning or cunning—believing that ability alone would carry all before it, and have now been taught a lesson which they had yet to learn. It may profit them for their next turn of office, should they be persuaded to accept it. But they have been found wanting in more than caution and mistrust. They have been blind to the motto of the Hamiltons—to the watch-word of the great, though faulty Stafford —to the talismanic Thorough. When they were invited, after our own three days, to take charge of the colony—when ministerial responsibility had been freshly won—when the old officials were panic stricken, one and all, then it was that they were urged to charge in upon the rout, and to secure the new position while it was left without defence. Then, and then only, were they in possession of power; they had only to strike home. They were entreated by every argument to seize the golden moment; but they temporised, were easy going, suffered their opponents to rally, and now, in their own turn, have suffered a defeat. They have been found wanting in more than that aggressive decision wlr.ch is so essential to security. Young in the art of government, they have neglected one of the two great branches of political conduct. They never knew their men. Foes, not at all ; perhaps, not at all their friends. They gave their thoughts to measures only, and were fain to believe that good measures, or what they believed to be good, must carry themselves by their own intrinsic merits. For lack of careful study, even perhaps of quick, intuitive perception of character, they have been duped by many ; but signally by the AttorneyGeneral, who engages himself by letter to resign his office, when requested by the Governor, but silently reserves to himself the right of advising the Governor not to ask him to resign. . But we owe them a debt of gratitude. Standing under-secretaries being unknown in New Zealand, they undertook a Herculean labourparliamentary work and office work combined. They have gone far in cleansing those Augean stables—the Government offices; in sweeping forth to light those masses of illegality and confusion which had accumulated during the time of Governor Grey. Let us pass to another subject. An impression seems still to be lurking in the minds of many that the utter confusion into which the colony has been plunged, is nothing more than a mere party affair!—the friends of the ex-ministry striving to bring them back to power again. But nothing can be farther from the truth. It is not a Ministerial quarrel with his Excellency, but a grave breach of compact with the House by the Crown. The Governor, by his own act and deed, has withdrawn that modicum of Ministerial responsibility which he had accorded. On the resignation "of the old ministry, it was his duty to have sent fora membev of the House, for the sole purpose of endeavouring to form a new one. Instead of that, he throws the Government of the country into the hands of one man—unsworn and irresponsible—even to the exclusion of his own constitutionally appointed Executive. From the epoch of such a course being adopted, the exministry had no longer a party. Those who had once been called the friends of the exministry, now assumed a far more unassailable position. From that time forward they had become The Constitutional Party ; —in steadfast opposition to arbitrary rule. Viewing the position of the Officer administering the Government with regard to this house, and in relation to the great question which now occupies public attention, we deeply regret that in his exigency he bad not applied fpr advice to some honest, though duller-minded adviser, in preference to the astute and underWorking member far the Hutt. A man of com-

mou understanding,—of plain straightforward sense of what was due to his Excellency and to the house, actuated by a sincere desire of removing a difficulty which stood in the way of all progress, would have advised him that it did not become the Representative of her Majesty to enter into personal conflict with his late advisers. Necessity required that he should explain to the house the position in which he was left by the resignation of the Ministry, and that he should place the house in possession of all documents relating to the question. But further than this it was very wrong to go. For the proffering of statements which reflect upon the truth and honour of the men in whom the house had repeatedly expressed its confidence, necessarily throws upon it the duty of defending their reputations, not as a matter of generous feeling alone, but even to preserve their public usefulness. The house, unless prepared to desert those who had sacrificed their time, their labour, and their personal interests in its behalf, (for they have done so, notwithstanding Mr. Wakefield's repeated and paltry sneers about greediness of office,) —the house, unless prepared to desert them, must, to some extent at least, make itself a party to the controversy. All this, which is entirely beside that constitutional difficulty which ought alone to have occupied its deliberations, has been imported into thj question, to serve the personal objects and to gratify the revengeful feelings of Mr. Edward Gibbon Wakefield.

On Wednesday, immediately before the adjournment of the house, a very suggestive question arose. Mr. Wakefield' asked Mr. Fitz Gerald when he intended to propose an address in answer to the Governor's message, No. 25. Mr. Fitz Gerald stated that having resigned office, and his resignation having been accepted and published, he was only a private member of the house. Mr. Wakefield urged that he (Mr. Fitz Gerald) was still the leader of the majority, and ought to propose a course. Mr. Hart observed that before Mr. Fitz Gerald replied he wished to make a proposition. The lion, member fjr the Hutt had come forward as a mediator between his Excellency and the house, to heal the present difference. He bad sent his Excellency's message to the house, and he ought to propose an address in reply. He (Mr. Hart) would like to see what sort of answer Mr. Wakefield would propose that the house should give to that message. The hon. member for the Hutt made no answer. Mr. Fitz Gerald said that in 24 hours' time, the hon. member might be prepared to give an answer. On the following day Mr. Wakefield did not attend the house.

Thb New Zealand "Codlin ."—Considering the anomalous position he (Col. Wynward) occupies, he could be excused for endeavouringto ascertain whether the views of the house corresponded with those contained in his Ministers " confidential memorandum:" but he was bound to do this in a constitutional manner. There can, we think, be no doubt, indirectly, if not directly, he had been informed by Mr. Wakefield \\x\t it would be a very easy matter to form another ministry—the easiest thing imaginable—and if he would only place the business entirely in his hands, he would quickly put all things to rights, and secure the votes, to the new policy, of a majority of the House. " You will see that it is Wakefield that is your friend ; not Fitz Gerald, he is all very well, but he is not like Wakefield. Oh, no! Fitz Gerald can't help you, but only trust to me, and I'll do the trick." It was doubtless in some such style that the designing Codlin addressed this unsuspecting and inexperienced Nell.—Wellington Independent.