To the Editor of the Lyttellon Times. Wellington, March 13, 1854. Sib, —Not doubting that you sympathize with those who, having regard to the approaching first Session of the Parliament of New Zealand, desire that the state of public opinion in each Province should be correctly understood in the rest of the colony, I trust that you will excuse me for calling your attention to some circumstances in the management of the Wellington newspapers, which, if they should not be made generally known, can hardly fail to produce wrong impressions at a distance with regard to the feelings and opinions of the settlers of this Province on the most important subjects of legislation and government. We have two newspapers ; the Neiv Zealand Spectator, and the Wellington Independent. For some years back, they have been fiercely opposed to each other as the organs of two hostile parties—the Government party, with Sir George Grey at its head, and the Opposition part/, led by Dr. Featherston, our present Superintendent. Both these journals appear equally incapable of understanding that the giant of a free constitution of government to New Zealand tends to break up old party distinctions, ties, and animosities, and to create new ones in which even the memory of the past will soon be lost. That great change, which seems as important to New Zealand as the Revolution of 1688 was to England, has in no degree moderated their party wiath. They still fire away at each other, with all the feeble fury of Dickens's " Eatenswill Gazette and Independent," about the old subjects of dispute ; utterly blind to the fact that these topics of dissension are dead, nearly buried, and destined to be soon forgotton by all, save less than half-a-dozen jealous and malevolent spirits. The public here, who know all about it, look on and laugh at the angry combatants. But at a distance, the bad effect is produced of leading many to suppose that the Wellington settlers, on both sides of the old party warfare, have " learned nothing and forgotten nothing" since the new Constitution was proclaimed. This supposition is totally incorrect. The truth is (allowing for the exceptions above noted), that those of us who give any serious attention to politics, are unanimously-disposed to lay aside past quarrels for combined exertions for the future good of the Province and the colony. lv particular it is remarkable (though perfectly natural, considering that absolute government has disappeared to make room for a Constitutional system), that the men who'once sided with the old official party—such as the Messrs. Hart, Mr. Bell, Mr. Ludlam, and Mr. Moorehave cordially embraced the new order of things. Tliis enrages our Independent, which abuses them as time-serving renegades, and crows over them as reluctant converts, whose aid in the present difficulties of the colony it would be foolish to accept, and wise to reject with insult. Statesmanship worthy of a Cockney vestry at home ! On the other hand, those who were leaders on the anti-official side, now exhibit a very conservative attachment to the dignity and other charms of office, and are therefore abused by the Spectator us greedy jobbers who never had any principle but their own aggrandizement.- The Billingsgate oa' both sfd'es is not less unfounded than void of sense. Of course, as the present Lord Derby once confessed, "being in- or out makes all tlie difference." As a; mere matter of course, and very happily too for its, our Radicals of old lean to the side of authority which has become theirs, whilst Constitutional ideas prevail in the once Tory ranks. Both sides are sincere. As one proof of it, I will mention a fact which speaks volumes. The first clause of our Executive Act, as laid before tlie Provincial Council by the new Government, vested all executive authority in " the Superintendent alone, in liis own person," without a word about advice by an Executive Council, "he intended provision was copied from one of those old instruments of authority, under which, formerly, "the Governor alone, in bis own person,'did what he pleased, nobody being responsible for anything. At the instance of certain members independent of the Government, including Mr. Moore, Mr. Ludlam, Mr. George Hart, and Mr. llenall, (all formerly partizans oi_ the old Nominee system), the Council substituted for that arbitrary proposal a totally different enactment—the actual first clause of our Executive Act. That clause which subjects everything- done by the Superintendent to the
condition of being first advised by an Executive Council, established ministerial responsibility in this Province. It has been adopted, almost verbatim, by the Provincial Council of Otago; and, as appears by recent accounts from Melbourne, the legislature of Victoria have placed a similar provision in the new constitution for that colony which they are sending home for approval by the Imperial Government. And further, our Provincial law which compels members of the Council to resign their seats on accepting office under the Superintendent, likewise originated with the independent section, including the gentlemen above named, who almost forced it on the Government. Pray, therefore, do not believe what either of our newspapers says about the slate of parties here. The real truth is, allowing for some personal jealousies and hatreds which are ineradicable, and for some others of a milder kind which are kept alive by our newspapers, that the politicians of Wellington Province are, just now, all of one mind with regard to constitutional questions. They are made so by the novelty of the Constitution itself, and the revolution of ideas which that great and sudden change lias necessarily produced. Inevitably, being Englishmen, and having free institutions to work, they will in due time separate into adverse parties contending for power : and the sooner the better say I, for one, because, in free countries without an exception, party rivalry has ever been found an essential means of good government. There appears to be another reason for wishing that a new cast of parties in each Province, and for the colony as a whole, may not be long delayed. The change will prove that the great constitutional questions which concern us all alike, are finally settled. Let us hope, that until we know under what sort of government we are to live, mere party, with regard at least to constitutional questions, will be as dead throughout New Zealand, and among the representatives of the whole colony when they meet atAuckland, as it really is in this Province. That it is so, is clearly established by the proceedings of a-public meeeting which was held at Wellington on Monday last. For the most correct account of those proceedings, I would refer you to our Spectator's report of them. Considering that it was made entirely from notes taken at the time—not in any part with matter furnished by the speakers themselves —it is remarkably full ; and though it rather favours some of the speakers by giving all that they said, and does injustice to others by. omitting matter, not unimportant, which feil from them, yet, on the whole, it is very fair, colonially speaking. In fairness, and truthfulness, it totally differs from the Independent's report; for it invents nothing, and does not otherwise grossly misrepresent in any respect what actually took place. How very difficult fiist-rate reporting is in young colonies, you must be well aware: nor is it to be expected that in small communities like ours,where party spirit is always more personal and vicious than in great countries, the newspapers should be as temperate, or even as fair, as one could wish : but of habitual and systematic mis-reporting, comprising the invention of facts which did not occur, with the attribution to speakers of what they did not say, and sometimes of the very reverse of what they did say, I can recollect no instance to be compared with the fabrications of our Independent. They are of two kinds, with different aims. Without having been present at what they embellish or distort, you could not rightly understand the extravagance with which the false colours are laid on ; more especially the dark ones, when somebody is to be blackened whom somebody in the party dislikes or fears. The proprietors and working managers of the Independent go for nothing in the matter, but are wholly under the influence of others in the back ground. I am sorry to be compelled to say so, because, whilst the Independent makes me the special object of its inventions in reporting and misrepresentations in other forms, those whose humble servant it is, meet me in person, sometimes with a desire for my co-operation in public work, and always in private lii'e with smiles and friendly greetings. In one sense, it is flattering to have a newspaper systematically employed in running one down. There is a compliment in hostility which shelters itself under the anonymous, instead of meeting1 its object face to face in public. Here, at Wellington, where all learn the truth soon
after the facts occur, false reports of public proceedings are of no consequence; whilst, assuredly, it matters little to the public anywhere what is said about any individual as such. But, on the other side of the balance, these misrepresentations of occurrences at Wellington are sure, if not exposed, both to mislead the other Provinces as to the state of opinion and parties here, and also to retard, at least, that co-operation throughout New Zealand for placing the colony under general responsible government, without which the object can never be accomplished. Let me, therefore, again assure you that at Wellington this object is unanimously professed, and sincerely desired by all, excepting only a very few who are nothing when they are not antagonistic, and who, whatever their open professions, may secretly wish for such conflict between the General Executive and the representatives of the people, as might ruin the former, and cast unbridled power in each Province into the most violent and unscrupulous hands. Though trusting that you may deem this latter view of the subject a sufficient apology from me from troubling you at so much length, yet, as a stranger to you, I wish to conclude with the following assurances. The liberty and even the license of the press, I believe to be an essential condition of political freedom and good government. I am too old a stager in the "press-gang" to have any sympathy with those who object to anonymous printing, or to care on my account about anonymous attacks and misrepresentations. And I address you for the single purpose of endeavouring, if favoured with your assistance, to guard the settlers in your province again&t false impressions with regard to the Province of Wellington, such as could not but have a mischievous influence in the approaching crisis of New Zealand affairs at Auckland. I have the honour to be, Sir, Your obedient humble servant, E. G. Wakefielc. [Our contemporaries will perhaps consider an apology due to them for the insertion of the aboveletter, which we print without comment, preferring to leave in their own hands the refutation of the statements advanced.]
We have received this week the following communication from the American Commissioner of Patents :■ — " United States' Patent Office, "Washington, Sept. 9tb, 1853. "Sir, —T herewith transmit to you a copy of the reports of this office, made to Congress in January, 1852, trusting that it will serve as a means *of increasing- the intercourse and strengthening the friendly relations at present existing between our respective countries. " We are desirous of augmenting the catalogue of all the useful products of the earth, stilted to our soil and climate, and would be happy to enter into a friendly interchange with foreign countries to supply them with the seeds ov cuttings of our own. If, therefore, you have it in your powev to forward to this Bureau parcels of the seeds of any of the Cereal grains, grasses, culinary vegetables, flowers, fruits, nuts, or other useful products, which can be cultivated, and would be likely to thrive in any portion of t'ne United Stales, you will be entitled tv our thanks in so doing; and at the same time, it you can furnish us with a brief account of the character of the soil, and the climate best adapted to their healthful growth, as well as the mode of culture, you will greatly increase the weight of our obligations. " All communications or packages may be addressed directly to this office, or they may be intrusted in the care of any of our Ministers, Consuls, and Officers of the Army or Navy resident abroad. " All large quantities of seeds or tubers should be carefully packed in air-tight boxes or. casks, and ill small parcels put up in nu'tailie cases or glass bottles, hermetically scaled. Any slips or catlings which may be sent may ha packed in common earth or moistened nsoss kept as free as possible from dampness and we, and should not occupy more than three or lout weeks on their passage. In all cases, please to write by mail, in advance, stating the manner in which the parcels are sent, and to whom they are consigned.
" With the highest consideration, I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, " Charles Mason, " Commissioner of Patents. " To tlie Editor of the Lyttdton Times, " Canterbury, New Zealand." The Reports forwarded occupy 4 large Bvo. volumes —presented to this paper by the American Government—to obtain which we have been compelled to pay £o 12s. postage ; the demand of our post-office authorities for transmitting the two packages.
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Bibliographic details
Lyttelton Times, Volume IV, Issue 170, 8 April 1854, Page 5
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2,257Untitled Lyttelton Times, Volume IV, Issue 170, 8 April 1854, Page 5
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