SYDNEY.

Lyttelton Times, Volume III, Issue 141, 17 September 1853, Page 5

SYDNEY.

(From a Correspondent of the W, Independent.)

August 11,1853. The opening of Steam Communication between Sydney and New Zealand, appears an auspicious occasion to commence my correspondence ; and it is a somewhat remarkable circumstance that the first steamer should take you the intelligence of the introduction of a Bill into our Legislature, to confer a new, and it is supposed, an enduring Constitution, on this Colony.

It is hardly possible to overrate the importance of the present crisis in Australian affairs. The agitation which has for years past been going on both within and without the walls of the Council, for the attainment of full powers of local self-government, has now practically ceased, the Imperial Authorities having, in deference to our gold, conceded to us, in the main what we have been clamouring for so long.-— But, on the other hand, a local struggle has begun, between the Aristocratic and Democratic parties, for the control of those powers of selfgovernment now ceded to us.

In the month of December, 1853, the Legislative Council adopted a Declaration and Remonstrance, which was forwarded to the Queen embodying the principal grievances under which the Colony labours, and praying certain measures of redress. The chief of these was the cession of the control of our Territorial Revenue ; in return for which, the Council pledged itself to grant a liberal Civil List to her Majesty, making ample provision for the expenses of Government, and for the pentioning off of those public servants who had accepted their appointment under the expectation that they would be held for life, or at all events during good conduct. This is supposed to be necessary, on the ground that when the absolute control of our revenues shall be in the hands of the representatives of the people,the present Officials may, very probably, be compelled to resign.— The Council also pledged itself to enact a new Constitution, substituting for the present hybrid legislature, two Chambers, one to be elected by the people, and the other to be nominated by the Crown, upon the Canadian model.

After considerable delay, Sir John Pakington accepted these proposals. But he had scarcely sent away the despatches signifying his assent to our requisition, when the Derby Ministry was broken up ; when the Duke of Newcastle, a declared enemy of Nomineeism, succeeded to the Colonial Seals. The Duke confirmed, generally, the despatches of his predecessor, but he hinted that it might not be necessary that the Council should adhere absolutely to the Nominated Upper House.

k- The matter being in this state, a select committee was appointed early this Session, on the motion of Mr. Weritwovth, to prepare a Constitution for the Colony ; and the Report of this Committee was laid.upon the table of the House on the 29th of July. The Committee, admitting' that some latitude of discretion was allowed by the Duke of Newcastle on the Nominee question, have decided, however, that they see no reason to depart from the terms of the original offer ; and they recommend an Upper House of not less than Twenty Members, to Denominated by the Crown, for life. They go further. Reverting to a certain Act of Parliament, passed in the 31st Session of the reign of George the 3rd, for the better Government of the Province of Quebec, by which Mr. Pitt tried to establish the principles of hereditary legislation in Canada, the committee say that it would be a vast improvement upon any scheme of policy yet introduced in any British Colony, if the Crown would create hereditary titles to which should be annexed the right of summons to the Legislative Council. But they do not recommend direct hereditary legislation. The plan sketched out is, that when the number of fitted people shall exceed 50, they shall elect, from their otvn order, 20 members to form the Upper House. After all that has been written and said upon the possibility of transplanting British Institutions to the Colonies, and particularly after the Republican theories which Dr. Lang has recently propounded, it is, to say the least, a very remarkable fact that a proposal to establish hereditary rank in Australia should emanate from the Legislature of a Colony which was supposed to be Democratic to the backbone.

I need scarcely say that this notable report has created a perfect phrenzy of excitement.— Our people, usually so apathetic in all political matters, have been suddenly roused to a keen

sense of the importance which attaches to the question of the form of our new Constitution, and a large and tolerably influential committee, including the names of several members of Council, was appointed at a public meeting held last week, whose instructions are to call a convention of the people, and to use every Constitutional means for resisting the enactment of Mr- Wentworth's Bill.

The truth is that this measure is a very transparent attempt on the part of the squatters to secure and perpetuate the powers they have already acquired ; and to give them the entire control of the lands, and it is on this account rather than for the sake of abstract political principles, that the opposition to the measure is likely to be far more powerful than its framers have any idea of. It is eminently a breeches pocket question, and breeches pocket questions are those which affect the minds of the commercial community. Very few individuals care, and still fewer know, anything about political principles, but we are confoundedly keen discriminators between meum and tuum, and when it comes to a question of £ s. d. the interest of the people is instantly excited. The same concessions which were made to us having been also offered to Victoria and South Australia, the whole of the Australian Press has been employed for weeks past in discussing the question of nomineeism. It is a pretty significant indication of the general feeling of the colonies, that with the single exception of the Sydney Morning Herald the press is unanimously opposed to Nominees under any form. In South Australia, in the meanwhile, the government have taken the initiative, and sent down to the Legislative Council a Bill foxcreating two Houses, the upper house to consist of twelve members nominated for life. From what I can hear, I believe the measure will pass ; and I fear Mr. Wentworth's bill will also pass our Council. Victoria., having little or no political experience, will probably copy whatever we do.

The opposition to the measure out of doors is gaining strength every day. The People's Constitution Committee have called a public meeting, and gentlemen of high standing and influence are.expected to attend and speak. The committee consists of upwards of 50, and is being enlarged every day. Among them are seven members of council, and several first rate merchants. August 17. The citizens of Sydney met in large numbers in the Eoyal Victoria Theatre, on Monday.— The stage was occupied by about a hundred of our leading merchants, lawyers, magistrates, and several members of Council. Resolutions were proposed strongly condemning the new Constitution scheme. They were all carried by acclamation. Yesterday Mr. Wentworth delivered a magnificent speech in moving the second reading of the Bill. He spoke for four hours and a half. The speech is reported at full length and with great fidelity in the Herald. It comprehended every point in dispute ; and, considered as the last effort of the old statesman's mind, it is deeply interesting. The debate was adjourned for a week ; and the further progress of the Bill is to be adjourned for three months—the council adjourning in the interim —in order to allow the colony to speak out upon the question, which Wentworth challenges them to do. The whole question between aristocratic and democratic institutions is now fairly placed before the country.