FRANCE.

Lyttelton Times, Volume II, Issue 90, 25 September 1852, Page 4

FRANCE.

The following is the address of Louis Napoleon to the newly convened Chambers, alluded to in our last:—

Senators and Deputies,—The dictatorial power with which the people entrusted me ceases to-day. Affairs are about to resume their regular course. It is with a sentiment of real satisfaction that I come here to proclaim the coming into operation of the Constitution, for my constant pre-occupation has been not only to reestablish order, but to render it durable by giving France institutions appropriate to her necessities. Only a few months ago, you will remember, the more I enclosed myself within the narrow circle of my attributions, the more were efforts made to draw it still closer, in order to deprire me of all movement and all action. Frequently discouraged, I avow it, I had the idea of abandoning a power thus disputed. I was prevented from doing so because I saw but one thing that would succeed me—anarchy. Everywhere, in fact, passions thirsting to destroy, and incapable of founding anything, showed themselves. On no side was there an institution or a man to whom I could attach myself; and nowhere was there an uncontested right, or any kind of organization, or any system that could be realized. Thus, when, thanks to the assistance of some courageous men—thanks especially to the energetical attitude of the army—all those perils were put down in a few hours, my first care was to demand institutions from the people. For too long a time society resembled a pyramid turned upside down, and which people were attempting to rest upon its apex: I have placed it on its proper basis. Universal Suffrage, the only source of right in such conjunctures, was immediately re-established; authority reconqueredits ascendancy ; in fino, France adopting the principal dispositions of the Constitution which I submitted to her, I was permitted to create political bodies, of which the influence and the consideration will be so much the move great, because their attributions will have been wisely regulated. Among political institutions, in fact, those only are durable which fix in an equitable manner the limit at which each person ought to stop. There are no other means of arriving at a useful and beneficent application of liberty ; the examples of this are not far from us. Why, in ISI4, was the Parliamentary regime, notwithstanding our reverses, looked upon with satisfaction? It was because the Emperor— let us not fear to avow it—had been in consequence of the war, drawn into too absolute an exercise of power. Why, on the contrary, in 1851, did France applaud the fall of that same Parliamentary regime? It was because the Chambers hud abused the influence which had been given to them ; and because, wishing to dominate over everything, they compromised the general equilibrium. Lastly, why does it happen that Franc? is not moved by the restrictions put upon the press and on individual liberty? It is because the one had degenerated into license; and because the other, in place of being the regulated exercise of the lights of encl), had, by an odious excess, threatened the rights of all. This extreme danger, especially for the democratic.?, "of continually seeing ill-defined institutions sacrificing in thenturn the government and liberty, was perfectly well appreciated by our fathers' half a century ago, when, on emerging from the revolutionary storm, and after a vain trial of all sons of regimes, they proclaimed the Constitution of the year \lll., which lias served as a model for that of 1852. Without doubt they do not sanction all those liberties to the very abuses of which we have been familiarised, but they consecrate some of them which have a real importance. Immediately after revolutions, the first of guarantees for a nation does not consist in the immoderate usage of the tribune and the press, it is in the right of choosing the government which .suits it. But the French nation has given, perhaps for the first time, to the world, the imposing spectacle of a great people voting in full liberty the form of its government. Tim's the Chief of the Stale, whom you have before you, is certainly the expression of the popular will ; jiiicJ before me what do I see? Two Chambers—the one elected in virtue of the most liberal law that exists in the world: the other nominated by me, it is true, but independent also, because it is immovable. Around

me you remark men of a recognised patriotism and merit, always ready to support me by their councils, and to enlighten me as to the necessities of the country. That constitution, which from this day is to be put in* practice, is therefore not the work of a vain theory, or of despotism ; it is the work of experience and reason. You will assist me, gentlemen, in consolidating, extending, and ameliorating it. I will make (known to the senate and the legislative corps the expose of the situation of the Eepuhlic. They will see by it that everywhere confidence has been, re-established, that everywhere labour has been resumed, and that, for the first time after a policical change, the public fortune has increased in place of diminishing. For the last four months it has been possible for my government to encourage many useful enterprises, to recompense many services, to succour many parsons in misery, to improve even the position of the greater number of public functionaries ; and all that without increasing the imposts or deranging the provisions of the budget, which we are happy to present to you in equilibrium. Such facts, and'the attitude of Europe which has received the changes which have taken place with satisfaction, give us a just hope of security for the future; for if the peace is guaranteed at home, it is equally so abroad. The foreign powers respect our independence, and we have every interest in preserving with them the most amicable relations. As long as the honour of France shall not be engaged, the duty of the Government will be to avoid with care every cause of perturbation in Europe, and to turn all our efforts towards interior ameliorations, which alone can procure ease to the laborious classes and ensure the prosperity of the country. And now, gentlemen, at tbe moment when you associate yourselves with patriotism in my labours, I wish to expose to* you frankly what will be ray conduct. In seeing me re-establishing the institutions and the souvenirs of the empire, it has often been repeated that I desired to re-establish the empire itself. If such were my constant preoccupation, that transformation would have been accomplished long since; neithe means nor the opportunity has been wanting to me. Thus, in 1848, when sis millions of suffrages nominated me in spite of the Constituent Assembly, I was not ignorant that the simple refusal to acquiesce in the constitution might give me a throne. But an elevation that might have produced great disorders did not seduce me. On the 13th of June, 1849, it would also have been easy for me to change the form of Government if I had been so inclined, but I did not wish for it. In fine, on the 2nd, of December, if personal considerations could have carried it in preference to the grave interests of the country, I should have in the first place demanded of the people, who would not have refused it, a pompous title. I contented myself with the one I had. When, therefore, I take examples from the consulate and the empire, it is because there, above all, I find the examples imprinted with nationality and grandeur. Resolved to-day, as before, to do everything for France and nothing for myself, I would not accept any modification in the present state of things, unless I should find myself constrained to do so by an evident necessity. From what could such a necessity arise? Solely from the conduct of parties. If they are resigned, nothing will be changed ; but if, by their hidden plots, they should endeavour to sap the basis of my government ; if, in their blindness, they should deny the legitimacy of the result of the popular election ;*"if, in fine, they should continually attempt to put the future prosperity of the country in question by their attacks—then, but then only, it might be reasonable to demand of the people, in the name of the repose of France, a new title which would irrevocably fix on my head the power with which the people have invested me. But let us not preoccupy ourselves beforehand with difficulties which without doubt are not very probable. Let us preserve the republic ;it threatens no one, and it may give confidence to every one. Under its banner I wish again to inaugurate an era of forgetfulness and of conciliation ; and I appeal, without distinction, to all those who wish fiankly to assist me in the public; good. Providence, which thus far has so visibly blessed my efforts, will not leave its work unfinished, ft will animate all of us by its inspirations, and will give us the wisdom and the force necessary to consolidate an order of things which will ensure the happiness of our country, and the repose of Europe.