INTERVIEW BETWEEN KOSSUTH AND CLAY.

Lyttelton Times, Volume II, Issue 88, 11 September 1852, Page 8

INTERVIEW BETWEEN KOSSUTH AND CLAY.

We extract the following interesting account of an interview between Kossuth and the veteran Statesman of America, from the Washingtori National Intelligencer : — Kossuth was introduced by Mr. Cass. On being presented to Mr. Clay, who rose to receive him,—" Sir," said he, " I thank you for the honour of this interview." " I beg you to believe," said Mr. Clay, interrupting him, " that it is I who am honoured. Will you be pleased to be seated ?"

After the mutual interchange of civilities, — " I owe you, Sir," said Mr. Clay, " an apology for not having acceded before to the desire you were kind enough to intimate more than once to see me. But really my health has been so feeble that I did not dare to hazard the excitement of so interesting an interview. Besides, Sir," he added with some pleasantry, "your wonderful and fascinating eloquence has mesmerised so large a portion of our people, wherever you have gone, and even some of our Members "of Congress,"—waving his hand towards the two or three gentlemen who were present —" that I feared to come under its influence, lest you might shake my faith in some principles in regard to the foreign policy of this Government, which I have long and constantly cherished. And in regard to this matter, you will allow me, I hope, to speak with that sincerity and candour which become the interest the subject has for you and for myself, and which are due to us both, as the votaries of Freedom. I trust you will believe me, too, when I tell you that I entertain ever the liveliest sympathies in every struggle for liberty—in Hungary, and in every country. But, sir, for the sake of my country, you must allow me to protest against the policy you propose to her. Waiving the grave and momentous question of the right of one nation to assume the executive power among nations for the enforcement of international law, or of the right of the United States to dictate to Russia the character of her relations with the nations around her, let us come at once *to the practical consideration of the matter. You tell us yourself with great truth and propriety, that mere sympathy, or the expression of sympathy, cannot advance your purposes. You require material aid. And, indeed, it is manifest that the mere declarations of the sympathy of the Congress, or of the President, or of the public, would be of little avail., unless we were prepared to enforce those declarations by a resort to arms. Well, sir, suppose that war should be the issue of the course you propose to us, could we then effect anything for you, ourselves, or the cause of liberty? To transport men and arms across the ocean in sufficient numbers and quantities to be effective against Russia and Austria would be impossible. Upon land Russia is invulnerable to us, as we are to her. Upon the ocean, a war between Russia and this country would result in the mutual annoyance to commerce, but probably in little else. I learned recently that her war marine is superior to that'of any nation in Europe, except, perhaps, Great Britain. Her ports are few, her commerce limited; while we on our part, would offer as a prey to her cruisers a rich and extensive commerce." Thus, sir, after effecting nothing in such a war—after the downfall, perhaps, of the" friends of liberal institutions of Europe—her despots imitating and provoked by our fatal example, may turn upon us in the hour of our weakness and exhaustion, and, with an almost equally irresistible force of reason and of arms, they may say to us, ' You have set us the example; you have quit your own to stand on foreign ground; you have abandoned the policy you professed in the day of your weakness, to interfere in the affairs of the people upon this continent, in behalf of those principles the supremacy of which you say is necessary to your prosperity, to your existence. We, in our turn, believing that your anarchical doctrines are destructive, and that monarchical principles are essential to the peace, security, and happiness of our subjects, will obliterate the bed which has nourished such noxious weeds; we will crush you, as the propagandists of doctrines so destructive of the peace and good order of the world.' The indomitable spirit of our people might and would be equal to the emergency, and we might remain unsubdued even by so tremendous a combination, but the consequences to us would be terrible enough. You must allow me, sir, to speak thus freely, as I feel deeply, though my opinion may be of but

little import, as the expression of a dying man. By the policy to which we have adhered since the days of Washington, Aye have prospered beyond precedent; we have done more for the cause of liberty in the Old World than arms could effect; we have shown to other nations the way to greatness and happiness. And if we but continue united as one people, and persevere in the policy which our experience has .so clearly and triumphantly vindicated, we may in another quarter of a century furnish an example which the reason of the world cannot resist. But if we should involve ourselves in the tangled web of European politics in a war in which we could effect nothing, and if in that struggle Hungary should go down, and we should go down with her, where then would be the last hope of the friends of freedom throughout the world ? Far better is it for ourselves, for Hungary, and for the cause of liberty, that, adhering to our wise pacific system, and avoiding the distant wars of Europe, we should keep our lamp burning brightly on this western shore, as a light to all nations, than to hazard its utter extinction amid the ruins of fallen or fallingrepublics in Europe." Throughout Mr. Clay's remarks, M. Kossuth listened with the utmost interest and attention; he did not enter in his turn upon a controversy of Mr. Clay's views, but began by stating what he thought the reasons of the repeated failures to establish liberal institutions in France. He gradually diverted his remarks to the affairs of Hungary, Austria, Russia, and Turkey ; speaking of the exaggerated estimate of the strength of Russia; of the strength and weakness of Turkey—her strength, which consisted of her immense land force, and especially in her militia, or landwehr, as he termed it; her weakness, which was the liability of the assault of Constantinople by sea. And here, apparently in allusion to Mr. Clay's conviction of our being unable to effect anything in a European war, he spoke of the material aid which might be rendered Turkey in a war with Russia, by a naval force for the protection of her capital. After a series of entertaining and instructive remarks about the condition and prospects of Europe generally, he rose to depart. Mr- Clay rose and bade him farewell for ever, with the utmost cordiality and kindliest sympathy beaming in his face and suffusing his eye ; and, grasping Kossuth's hand, he said, "God bless you and your family.' God bless your country—may shefyet be free."

Kossuth, apparently overwhelmed by the warm and earnest sympathy thus exhibited for himself, his suffering family and country, profoundly bowing, pressed Mr. Clay's hand to his heart, and replied in tones of deep emotion, "I thank you, honoured sir; I shall pray for you every day that your health may be restored, and that God may prolong your life!" Mr. Clay's eyes filled with tears, he again pressed the hand which clasped his own, probably for the last time, but he could say no more.

Thus closed one of the most interesting scenes it has ever been the fortune of the writer to witness. Two such men rarely meet in this world—the one, having finished the course of his destiny, having lived and acted through the better part of his country's lifetime, and with its growing greatness and renown having acliieved his own ; the sun of his glorious career just going clown in unclouded brilliancy, and seudiug back the rays of its declining glory upon a happy land ; the other, still acting, still hoping and fearing, his star just rising amid storms, and clouds, and darkness; before him all the vicissitudes of an uncertain future for himself and for his country; the one, like a prophet of old, proclaiming the principles of the fathers of this country, to whom he was shortly to be gathered—those principles, living by which that country had achieved her greatness; the other, like a scholar, listening to catch the words of wisdom, and hear the lessons of experience, which should be treasured up, and which might yet one day profit his country in her pupilage. To pourtray that scene aright would challenge the skill of the poet and the painter. The writer would rival, too, the art of a Handel and a Haydn, could he transmit to this paper the sweet melancholy cadence of the voice of the Hungarian exile, sounding.like the low melancholy wail of the stricken children of freedom, or the trumpet-toned voice of the old statesman, gathering some of its ancient strength, and ringing almost as full and sonorous as when in days of old its clarion peal sounded its note of cheer and courage to a nation in its triumphant march to glory and to greatness.