THE CHARACTER OF KOSSUTH.

Lyttelton Times, Volume II, Issue 80, 17 July 1852, Page 8

THE CHARACTER OF KOSSUTH.

As everything referring to this extraordinary man is of interest, both as regards his past, and what may be, and is, expected of his future career, we give a brief rfomne of his character as depicted by Count Casimer Batthyany, in a letter which that Nobleman has addressed to the Times. As the Count was a colleague of Eussuth's in the Hungarian revolt, being one of the Ministers, we regard the opinion he has, formed of him entitled to respect, as the blind admiration and intense hate, inspired by his worshippers and opponents, has hitherto left no intermediate ground in which to form an unbiassed judgment. The Count, after giving a lengthy statement of the proceedings which led to the revolt, says, " At the commencement, the loyal intention of every one in Hungary was to maintain the union with Austria, and I do not (whatever he may have done since,) exclude Kossuth himself.

" The very versatility of his mind and temper which makes him embrace every novelty with so much ardour and such sanguine expectation, is the best proof that, although stamped by nature for an agitator, he was honest and sincere in this respect, and would have remained so had Austria kept her side of the bargain. Besides, what could have induced any man of common sense in Hungary at that period to overstep the t bounds of constitutional legality, the attainment of which had been the constant aim of so many Diets, and which was for the first time fully sanctioned and supported by guarantees which it was fondly hoped would render such a desirable state permanent—at a time, too, when he who had provoked a struggle would have been left alone, because the country had everything to lose and nothing to gain by it ? Yes, I repeat, Kossuth himself was sincerely desirous of keeping up the connection with Austria on the terms that had been agreed to. But when the underhand practices that had been constantly carried on could no longer be concealed; when unexpected blows were dealt in the dark with the intention of wearing Hungary out and exhausting her strength and patience in fruitless struggles, then it was that Kossuth's impetuous and restless temper, and the inherent weakness of his character and laxity of principle predominated over his better feelings. Ambition and a hankering after notoriety, and the suppleness with which he always yielded to the most pressing and least scrupulous, placed him first in contradiction with himself, and then involved him— and it may be said, also, the other ministers—in andinconsistentpolic\',and finally led him to selfwilled and arbitrary measures, which accelerated the fall of the Batthyany Ministry. It is unnecessary to charge a man with more failings and follies than he has been guilty of. Kossuth has already enough to answer for before the tribunal of public opinion respecting his political conduct, which was unquestionably the main cause of the ruin and downfall of his country.

"Deficient in the knowledge of men and things, in the steadfast bearing, cool judgement, and comprehensive mind of a statesman, and without the firm hand of a ruler; setting at naught all sound calculation, while he played a game of chance and staked the fate of the nation on the cast of a die; encountering danger with hair-brained temerity when distant, but shrinking from it when near; elated and overbearing in prosperity, but utterly prostrate in adversity ; wanting that strength and intrepidity of character that alone commands homage and obedience from others, while he suffered himself to be made the tool of every intriguer he came in connection with ; mistaking his manifold accomplishments and natural genius for an aptitude to govern a country in times of trouble: and setting, in the flights of fancy, no bounds to the scope of his ambition, Kossuth burned away the nation into a course of the most impolitic measures, and grasped the m>hest power in the realm by dubious means ; but when scarcely in possession of it, suffered it to be wrested from his hands by the man whom he had himself most injudiciously raised to a high station, and against whom, although he had received repeated warnings, as well as proofs, of his treachery and worthlessness he never dared openly and boldly to proceed—by the man whom he had hoped to ensnare while he crouched beneath him in abject fear, but by whom he was finally outwitted. " In doing honour to Kossuth, the English people have shown their sympathy for the cause of

an unfortunate country that has been bereaved of its chartered rights and liberties, and in fomenting this sympathy Kossuth has been obliged to pay a tribute to the feelings of legality that animates even the humblest classes" in England, by eschewing in his speeches the demagogical rant in which he indulged at Marseilles. ■ The applause of the English people was not given to the revolutionary character of the man, but to the able manner in which he brought the grievances of his country before theni. Several impartial and unprejudiced English journals have already begun to inquire how far Kossuth has a right to the distinction that as been accorded to him, and the Examiner, inparticular, has cast a sharp grance on his past career, and on the presumption with which he launches into his new one. It is not, however, for the English people to settle his right as to the position he is to hold among his own countrymen. This right_ belongs exclusively to the latter, and not to those who are scattered over the world in exile, but to those in whom reposes the will of the nation at home.

"Meanwhile,my own decided opinion on the subject is this—that Kossuth has not the least right to set himself up as the sole and exclusive representative of his country—not the least right to reassume the title of Governor and the functions of Dictator, as he does in his address to the citizens of the United States ; and that it is a most unwarrantable, as well as most illogical, proceeding on his part to contend, that the Hungarian nation could not legally enter into any engagement or adopt any measure that would be incompatible with the act by which he was raised to the dignity of Governor ; it being dbvious, even if he had not resigned this dignity, that when the nation was re-constituted on its former constitutional basis, its legal representatives in Diet assembled would have the right to act in whatever way they misrht deem the most conducive to the welfare of the country. lam also of opinion that, so far from following a sound policy in wishing, as he does, to remodel the reformed constitution of 1848' and engraft on it principles of republicanism and unleavened democracy— principles which are at variance with our national laws and institutions, as well as with the manners,- customs, and genius of the people—he would have acted more wisely and rendered a more essential service to his country, if, after his liberation from the thraldom of detention, he had appeared before the world in the simple character of a private individual. The conspicuous part which he took in the affairs of his country, and his subsequent misfortunes, would have secured him general respect, while the modesty of his demeanour, by effacing from the minds of his countrymen the recollection of the faults and errors he committed, and through which Hungary has been brought to her present state of misery and servitude, would have given him a precedence by courtesy among his companions m exile, and placed him in a position to receive that useful advice and assistance which they would have gladly offered him lor the purpose of hereafter repairing by a course of sound and moderate policy the injuries inflicted on the land of their birth. But, instead of actin«- in this manner, he has set himself up as the Dictator of his countrymen. It is, therefore, the sacred duty of those who, although far from wishing to fetter his activity, are not disposed to admit his claims, publicly to protest against his proceeedings. Without dwelling any fono-er on the weighty motives for caution which may be deduced from his past career, I will merely observe that his pretensions to be still regarded as Governor is the more barefaced from the circumstances attending his resignation. The circumstances are these:—He was summoned by Gorgey and three members of the Ministry to resign. He instantly complied, and resigned the Governorship without conveninsr the Council of State, that he was bound by "law to consult on every important occasion. He resinned without intimating his intention of doin<>- so to the three other Ministers (of whom I was one) and who were, consequently, quite unaware of the fact. He did not resign his authority into the hands of the Ministers—as under such circumstances he was bound to do—but into the hands of Gorgey. He even invested Gorgey with a power and authority with which he had not been invested himself, viz., the Dictatorship. He delegated a power which he only held himself personally, and, in fact, provisionally, by a direct mandate of the Diet. He resigned in the name of the Ministry, which he had no right whatever to do.

"Although it may be safely affirmed that he was in a state of moral and physical coercion when he gave in his resignation, it must be borne in mind that he voluntarily confirmed this act when he was free from all restraint, and could never be persuaded to reassume his abandoned power, neither at Lugos, in the midst of General Bern's army, nor subsequently at Behadia, when Bern urgently requested him to do so, and try the last chance that remained of success, to which request he again returned a negative answer in writing. By thus acting he abandoned Hungary to her fate, and exposed all those who had taken part in the war to the vengeance of Austria. He confirmed his avowed intention of retiring into private life by crossing the frontier and entering the Turkish dominions before the capitulation of Villa«-os could possibly be known to him, and while there were still fortresses and armies in Hungary by which the national cause could have been sustained. In his letter of refusal to General Bern he in fact suggested the expediency of calling together some eminent men in order to form a Provisional Government. On his arrival at Widdin he again publicly declared (in a letter since published) his resolution of retiring into private life—a resolution which, for a short time, he acted upon.

" I leave the public to judge how far these facts are reconcilable with his present pretensions."

Casimer. Batthyany,