LOUIS NAPOLEON AND HIS POLICY.

Lyttelton Times, Volume II, Issue 78, 3 July 1852, Page 4

LOUIS NAPOLEON AND HIS POLICY.

To the Editor of the Times.

Sib, —I have been mixed up with French parties and French politics. ■"' Before the fall of Louis Philippe I foresaw and predicted a catastrophe, and the coup d'etat of Louis Napoleon has found me equally prepared. I am sure that for the last three years the English public has been singularly wrong in its estimate of facts and its anticipations of the future. The dominant ideas with it and with the press were the dislike of the Kepublic, dread and horror of the Socialists, sympathy at first, injustice afterwards, towards the majority of the Legislative Assembly, and blindness to the character, the designs, and machinations of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte. The perjury of that arch traitor is too patent to he denied, although there are parties who, in public and in private, from ignorance or from interest, gloss over it. I believe that it is of the first importance to our material interests to appreciate the real nature of the present crisis, and to exert that moral force of opinion which, when justly formed and rightly exercised, is not absolutely powerless, even against half a million bayonets. If ever a party has been hardly treated by writexs of all classes in this country it is that of the modern French Republicans. They comprise a great portion of the courage and the larger part of the principle of the nation. Come what may, it will survive, and whatever dynasty or despotism is fated to rule, France will always have to count with it. After the opprobrium lavished upon those Republicans, what crime have they committed ? Did the revolution of 1848 massacre peaceful citizens, pour volleys of musketry and grape into the mansions of the Boulevards, shoot its prisoners in cold blood, and organize a reign of terror? It did nothing of all this, for it suffered Louis Philippe to escape—it left its worst enemy, Thiers, unharmed ; it abolished the punishment of death for treason, and it held out a more cordial hand to England than we had ever grasped before, or perhaps are likely to grasp again. Will National Guards under the new regime be permitted to fill excursion trains to London, or will another Lord Mayov and a posse of aldermen intrust themselves to the iC sabre and the vote," which now reign at the Hotel de Ville ? The Kepublic did one other act of magnanimity—it struck off the proscription of the Bonapartes, for which they have rewarded it.

I do not defend the extravagancies of Socialism, but Socialists and Republicans are not convertible terras ; and be the former what they may, their errors are those of imperfect reasoning-, which time, the exercise of political rights, experience, and reason itself would correct. And it must not be forgotten that a market lias been made of the fears of Frenchmen, and of the ignorance of Englishmen, in the denunciation of the Socialists. Was it proposed, to diminish the duties on consumption, to reduce the army, to organise anything like a tax on property, to attempt a Poor-Law—to imitate, in fact, that legislation winch almost all parties here approve of—and the hue and cry of " Socialism" was instantly got up against the unfortunate Republicans. Had Sir Robert Peel been in the French Legislature he would certainly have been hunted down as the worst of Socialists. Socialism, in fact, has been and is at this very moment the " raw head and bloody bones" of those in power, raised to terrify the -timid and the ignorant into voting away their liberties.

I do not and cannot defend the majority of the National Assembly. Their sympathies were always against the Republic—their policy to undermine and overthrow it. Louis Napoleon and they were in partnership ; and from the moment of his election they combined to crush Republican feeling, to harrass and oppress the Republicans themselves, and by every artifice, calumny, and violence, to render them contemptible and odious. Together they planned and executed the expedition to Rome ; together they consigned to beggary and ruin the primary teachers, and committed education to the Jesuits ; together they degraded the University and subjected it those same Jesuits; together they burked universal suffrage, of which' they both were born, because, disgusted with their reactionary measures, the electors ol" Paris had given a vote ag-.tiust them ; together they postponed the laws on the communal organization the municipal bodies, and the National Guard', and falsified in them the elective principle; together they practised all sorts of illegalities, sanctioning the worst abuse of preventive ar-

rests, arbitrary imprisonments, sham plots, and police conspiracies ; together they displayed the grossest partiality in allowing or prohibiting the sale of journals iv the streets ; together they passed the law on signatures to entrap and crush the journalists; and together they kept whole departments of France in the state of siege for nearly three years on the most flimsy of pretences. Let the majority look back and ask itself for tvhose profit it forgot its duties, outraged justice, and violated the constitution which it invokes in vain.

I turn to Louis Napoleon. In exile and in youth a Socialist writer—a volunteer in the patriot army of Italy—a companion of the loosest section of the English aristocracy—the hero of the conspiracies of Strasburg and Boulogne—the breaker of his word to Louis Philippe —the proscribed of the Monarchy—the recalled of the Republic—he had given, indeed, few gages to order, to honour, or his country, when he became its citizen.

The Republican constitution was framed, the respective powers of the legislative and of the executive departments were distinctly and carefully defined, the subordination of the President and the duration of the Presidency were as distinctly declared; and, knowing all this, Louis Napoleon became a candidate for the office with its obligations, was elected, and solemnly swore to observe them "in the presence of God and man." On two different occasions he volunteered to renew that sacred promise, and on a third he declared in a message to the nation that he should <:set his honour" on the keeping of it. Words, oaths, and honour—where are they now ?

He had scarcely passed the threshold of the Elysee when he commenced his game. That game was to madden the Republicans by outrages, and to make their excesses, real or pretended, the bugbear of the timid and the servile ; to hold up the Socialism that he goaded into violence in terrorem over the majority, and to lead it to commit itself irrevocably "with the nation in its reactionary course ; to make that majority believe he Was indispensable to it, and France that he was equally indispensable to her. His calculation was, that "in spite of the constitution lie had sworn to, his re-election would be got by the majority's connivance. But never from the first was that re-election the term of his ambition. Like his uncle, he, too, had his star, and that assured him empire. At the very time that he was practising on the credulity and fears of the majority, he was sapping the respect for Parliamentary government by the ignominious dismissal of the Bavvot Ministry, his contemptuous Messages, his announcement that France desired to feel his "hand and will," aadby hounding- on the journals in his pay against all parties but himself. His progresses in the departments, his bearing, his-addresses were those of an Imperial Pretender—his Society of the 10th of December, an organized band of hired ruffians, were instructed to cry, whenever the opportunity was possible, " Vive le Empereur .'" and his intrigues with the army took a definite shape. Men of all opinions in the National Assembly became seriously alarmed, but were paralysed by their mutual distrust of each other, and opposed no material resistance to him. They imagined that legality was a surer shield than "it has proved. The banquets to the sub-officers, the champagne, the toasts, and the reviews, disclosed a continuity of purpose and a determination to debauch the soldiery that opened the eyes of all. Still men could scarcely bring themselves to think that he would dare the last extremity of perjury and treason, or that the chivalry of France could be purchased by cigars and sausages. The discipline of General Nieumayer probably prevented his return as Emperor from the plains of Satory.

Changnvnier and his lieutenant were dismissed, and a heavy blow was struck at the Assembly. The Republicans dreaded the majority and their captain almost as much as Bonaparte, and the military power of the Parliament was annihila ted.

The illegal revision of the constitution would have served the turn of Louis Napoleon, because the prolongation of the Presidency would have given him time and opportunity. The prefects did all that force and fraud could do to further the petition movement, while the bulk of the majority itself joined in it. We know their fear of Louis Napoleon's designs, and it is impossible to imagine, unless they were indeed the veriest of dolts, that this co-operation was sincere. Either they dreamt that the revision might be

turned to the profit of the monarchy, or, knowing that the minority could legally prevent it they hoped that they might safely conciliate the President. However that might be, it is the height of impudence to state, and of ignorance to believe, that the bulk of those who signed the petitions were Bonapartisis. The movement was, in the main, monarchical.

Revision failed, and from that moment Napoleon's mind was made up. It is impossible to exaggerate tbe caution and the cunning which marked each step. Ministerial crises distracted the Assembly, and were meant to render it contemptible. Menaces in the journals of the Government defied it; reports of coups d'etat never intended to he realized were .spread, to lull into a false security, and to mask the real one when it arrived ; well affected regiments were kept in Paris or were drawn to it, while those that were suspected were draughted to the provinces or to Algeria. Bpnapartist generals and colonels made the most incendiary appeals against the people to the troops under their orders ; change after change in the Ministry of War and in the command of the army of Paris conducted at last to the right instruments—reckless men, of as desperate fortunes as those of the Elysee itself; and when all was prepared, came the Ion"- expected appeal to the democracy in the bfll for the restoration of universal suffrage. In spite of all warning and all entreaties, the' insane leadership of Berry er and Thiers induced the majority to throw it out, though only by two doubtful votes. This decision would have been speedily reversed had Napoleon really desired it. The rejection was his stock-in-trade of popularity, and he hastened to make the most of it. The last affront and fatal injury was done to the Assembly by tearing down from the bar-' rack wiills the declaration of right which the constitution gave it of demanding directly military force for its defence. The Questor's bill, denning this right was thrown out by the Republicans, who, placed between two enemies, dreaded for the moment Changarnier and the majority the most. Even now "it is difficult to say what their conduct should have been, for, though the passing of the measure would have hurried on the combat, and might have prevented the surprise, it would have given a more colourable pretext for violence.

The Eesponsibility Bill (one of strict .right and necessity) was sent down by the Council of State. It was too late. Napoleon saw that the decisive moment had arrived. If that bill was law his instruments might quail before the penalties of treason. The troops, distinctly apprised of their duties, might hesitate when the order came to violate them, and the Assem-. bly would be too well prepared to fall before a coup de main. His plan was laid with consummate cunning. Abortive rumours of coups detat fell thick as hail on Paris, till men scarce knew whether to dread or laugh at them ; the insults of the Government journals were redoubled, and the day .was fixed for the election of a representative. Before that day arrived despatches were sent to all the prefects to be prepared for a Socialist outbreak in the capital on the occasion of the declaration of the poll. Fresh regiments were concentrated in its neighbourhood under the same pretence ; the gairison was ordered under arms, and the military movements were on such a scale that the National inquired on the morning of the Ist " What dark intentions lurked behind them ?"

No socialists appeared, or had ever been expected ; the day was one of profound calm ; the majority congratulated itself on the triumph of order in the person of M, Devine ; night came, and Paris slept, and before it awoke on the 2nd of December the coup detat was struck. I shall say nothing; of its details, nor of the horrors that have followed. They are written in blood on the memory of France. But can any man doubt, who knows her history for the last three years, that Louis Napoleon has never for one instant, ceased to conspire since the Republic admitted him a citizen-that he marched with the majority while the majority could be made his tools and might become his instruments—that he broke with it as soon as it saw through his designs, and lyingly appealed to the suffrage it had mutilated—thai his Presidential reign was one long juggle with the fears of one class by goading another to despair—that he has systematically debauched the army, and effected a treacherous and bloody Eevolution by paid Prsetoxian bands —that he has violated the most solemn, reiterated, and voluntary oaths taken to " God and man," and

that-he has compassed a military despotism wore debasing and debased, more universal, and more ruthless than France has ever groaned

under ? Can this endure ? lam not an atheist, and

I answer No! The wrath of Heaven does not *H>last in our days Ananias with the He upon his lips. The Christian world does not deify Nemesis, but she still exists, and still, perhaps, is lame. The logic ofcrime is retribution. The perjured traitor who now rules France rules by terror only. The sanction of that treason by universal suffrage is too gross a sham to need exposure, and too hitter a mockery even for derision. He governs by and for the army, and the power that made can by one shout unmake him. He bought with hard cash its bayonets and its votes—he must still continue to buy. The do-

natives of the Lower Empire have commenced already. The butchers of the bourgeoisie are on war allowance. The officers have got promotion and gratuities—no man knows how much. Marshals of France have been created, and a Council of Five is " in the air." But this military tyrant is not himself a soldier. He

" Never set a squadron in the field, "Nor the divisions of a battle knows

" More than a spinster." Cromwell and the first Napoleon were the great captains of theiv age ; their lieutenants had served, their armies had been formed under them, and both were bound to them by a common glory— not, as to this man, by a common crime. He is dependent wholly on his generals ; the state of siege compels the concentration of enormous forces in the several military divisions of France under some half-dozen chiefs. Who is to answer for their fidelity and for their accord ? When jealousies spring up, as they certainly will, can the puppet of the Elysee appease them? "Give, give," will be the cry ; and woe to him when he refuses. Can the rotten financial system of France sustain the inevitable.prodigality ? Whence will the money come ? : From the people P I dare him to increase taxation. Socialist that he was, madman and imposter that I believe him to be, he talks of shifting and of lightening it. The abolition of the octrois and the wine-tax is possible on one condition—the reduction of the army. The Republic might do that—he cannot. Will he borrow ? Will you capitalists of England lend ? Is the experience of Spain, of Portugal, of Austria lost; upon you ? You cannot be such idiots as to pitch your ingots in the gulf of this despot's necessities, and of a sure repudiation of a future France. Will you rush to war! For what?' That matters not. Any pretext is enough for him who laughs at truth and oaths. But he cannot assail the military despotisms of the continent. They are his natural allies, and their tyrannies prop his own. The old Republic conquered to the cry of liliberty, and Napoleon but completed, under the flag of despotism, what that cry had commenced. Did the modern Republic march its battalions into Germany with " Liberation of the people" on its banners, the issue might be fearful for the houses of Hohenzollern and of Hapsburg. But no shout of freedom can be raised by this man's Janissaries, and they must face the hatred of the German people as well as the discipline of German hosts. It is England that he dreads, and on England he must war, if he war at all. But war has its special perils for him. If he fail, he is damned past saving; if he succeed, it must be by the hands of .others. Will some new " hero of a hundred fights" be content to work for him? Why should he? The usurpation of Napoleon is a school and a lesson for usurpers. War wiih England has its peculiar dangers. If steam has done much for France, it has done more for us; the alliance with America looms larger and nearer; and, sad as it is to think of such strife, I believe that ere may campaigns were past the commerce of our enemy would be extinguished—his ports would be blockaded —his mercantile marine laid up, or prizes in the British harbours—his fleet sunk, burnt, or captured, and his naval power a tradition. The struggle, however, is probable—perhaps imminent. We may confide in God and our right, but we may not be supine. .We have to deal with duplicity, faithlessness, and daring, reckless professions, stealthy preparations, and a, sudden blow. The lover of peace must be ready for war, and Mr. Cobden cannot now recommend us to disarm. Our house must be put in order; no more quarrels with our colonies; a speedy end to Caflre campaigns ; con-

centration at home of disposable troops, an efficient, maritime force in the Channel and in the harbours most accessible to France; wise concessions to public opinion, and consequent combination of all classes.

Men are too apt to forget the past and to take counsel of their passions. Charles X. fell because he attempted despotism, Louis Philippe because he refused reform, the Legislative Assembly because it was reactionary, and Louis Napoleon has triumphed to the cry of universal suffrage. If such a bait could hook democratic journalists here, can we wonder if French workmen and soldiers should have swallowed it? Time will undeceive them, and the moral is to'come. If there be a man who is not to be envied, that man is Louis Napoleon. A self-convicted perjurer, an attainted traitor, a conspirator successful by the foulest treachery, the purchase of the soldiery and the butchery of thousands, he must, if not cut short iir his career, go all the lengths of tyranny. For him there is no halt, for his system no element of either stability or progress. It is a hopeless and absolute anachronism. The Presidential chair or the Imperial throne is set upon a crater —the soil is volcanic, undermined, and trembling—the steps are slippery with blood—and the darkening steam of smouldering hatred, conspiracy, and vengeance is exaling round it. Each party can furnish its contingents for tyrannicide ; the assassin dogs him in the street, and even at the balls or banquets of the Elysee he may find the fate of Gustavus. He who lias been false to all must only look for falsehood, and is doomed to daily and to nightly fears of mutinies, insurrections, and revenge. Conscience cannot be altogether stifled, and will sometimes obtrude, in her horrible phantasmagoria, the ghastly corpses of the Boulvards.

But, where is the national party in his favour, of which we heard so mucli ? I see no sign of it. The army has been corrupted and inflamed by appeals to its basest and bloodiest instincts, —the Jesuits are enlisted by the earnest, and the promise of spiritual and material plunder, —the timid are terrified by the past, the present, and the future, —the servile, of the Baroche class, are crawling, belly in the dust, to place and peasion—and thejpul herd of sycophants and parasites that suck the strength and blood of power in France, the roue, the gambler, and the desperate in character and fortune, choke the doorways of the Elysee. If Napoleon has a party at all in the country, it is among those Socialist workmen whom he has seduced with hopes and has begun to bribe with largesses. The peasantry may be on his side, but three years experience has cooled, if it has not worn out, their enthusiasm, and the fiercest resistance to his usurpation has been encountered in the rural districts. He is playing his old game of bamboozling the Legitimists, as well as some chiefs of the Orleanists. They must be fools indeed to help to consolidate his tyranny.

If this man's reign is destined to continue, even for a brief duration, the world will witness the most heterogeneous jurnhle of despotism and of demagoguy, of Socialism and corruption, that history has ever chronicled. The bribery of Walpole, the theories of labour of Louis Blanc, the stockjobbing: of the worst days of Louis Philippe, the deportations of the Czar, the razzias of Algeria, will all meet in one marvellous system of anarchy that will be called Imperial Government. Its great aim and object are to gag the country and to '•' rig" the market; and under this patent of tranquillity and order France will be one vast military hell, with Louis Napoleon for its croupier.

An Englishman.