The Lyttelton Times.
June 5, 1852.
From our own small concerns and local politics, let us turn our attention for a while to the scene which is being enacted upon the European stage. Distance in the present age affixes no limit to information, and though far removed from the exciting scene, it is impossible that we can look out from our island home in this corner of the globe, without a thrill of interest at the portentous aspect of affairs in our old country, and her continental neighbours. England, which for five and thirty years has enjoyed the repose of peace, is again bristling with warlike preparations, and the great spirit, who then gave peace to Britain and to Europe, is applying his unfaded faculties to the defence of his country. France is in a state which almost necessitates war. Led by a chief whose familytraditions, no less than his personal., acts, foretell a career of military rapacity, and insatiable ambition, possesses an enormous army, which, like the Praetorian guard of old, can only be restrained by being engaged in foreign conquests; whilst the slavery of her press, the annihilation of public opinion, the confusion of all political parties, the banishment of her great statesmen, the terror of domestic outbreak, and, above all, the absence of any calm and sober attention to her own social condition, seem to leave no point of union for the nationality of her people, save in the dangerous and destructive policy of foreign aggression.
During the long period which has elapsed since the last European war, the continent has not been at peace. But the struggles which have occurred during that period, have been rather wars between parties in each State, or between races, which, in. the changes of history, have been accidentally united under common governments, than wars arising from the conflicting policy of courts or statesmen ; often they have taken the form of opposing nationalities,,as in the struggle between Hungary and Austria, between Germany and Denmark, and between, Austria and the North of Italy. But in all these events, it is plain that a great struggle of principle has been at work, and now it would seem that the opposing elements arpgathering themselves for a final conflict, arid in the dark storm which overhangs the por litical horizon of the old world, but two principles are mainly discernable—the principles of depotism and oi freedom —but two motive powers in the contest —the autocratic and the democratic. As the types and representatives of these two principles in their
utmost development, stand two mighty nations, Russia, on the one hand, and America, on the other. Statesmen have long foreseen the impending struggle between these antagonistic elements; a struggle which the world would have probably witnessed at an earlier period, had it not been for the overwhelming influence of a country, in which both were represented, and both could, find sympathy. ! England, from her in : £^e|fposition, from the sober and practical character of her people, and from the genius of the great Statesmen to whom God for ages confided the direction of her vast has been enabled in the course of her history, to work .out for herself the problem upon which other nations are now engaged; and, by a nice discrimination, to adjust and combine the elements of popular willwith the unity and integrity of a powerful government, and the right of the people to make laws for themselves, with the vigour of an executive capable of forcing obedience and respect to them. But it has long been a matter of speculation into which scale, when this war of principle should assume an European magnitude, England might be compelled by the course of events, to throw the weight of her influence. The question was one which could not depend upon the choice or caprice of a minister; it could only depend upon the quarter from whence danger might arise. If democracy had been identified with anarchy, England must in self preservation have ranged her forces, at all hazards, and at the sacrifice of all lesser considerations and principles, upon the side of order and government, and this is the., secret of Pitt^ policy in the last war. If \ on. the other hand, the liberties of Europe were endangered by the increase of autocratic power, England must have joined the side of freedom to which her sympathies naturally and properly belong. The recent events in France appear to have decided her destiny in this respect. The miserable republicanism of that capricious nation has changed in an hour to a military depotism. She has elevated a man whose only chance of realizing his schemes of personal ambition, appears to be by"an alliance with the despotic powers of Europe. Austria, Russia, and France are a formidable alliance;. the former struggling for the maintenance of the ancient power of her irresponsible government ; the latter seeking refuge from anarchy in the gratification of a passion for military glory. Which side the lesser States may take is of not much importance, but it seems to be the destiny of England, as once she saved the governments of Europe from destruction, now to save her liberties from annihiliation. England and America alone would probably be irresistible; but there are many, what have been termed, repressed nationalities in Europe, suchTas Hungary, Poland, and the Austrian JStates of Italy, whose weight, added to their icause, can hardly leave the issue of the conflict doubtful. Such, if war there be, will probably be the nature of the contest. And what will become of the colonies of England ? Untaught by the sad experience of the rebellion of her North American provinces, England by vicious and long continued misgoverument, has so far
alienated the affections of her Australasian Empire, that a declaration of independence is openly talked of. Under ordinary circumstances, its immense distance from the seat of war might have been sufficient protection ; but it is impossible but that the inexhaustible riches of Australia, recently brought to light, should be esteemed as a prize too great to be overlooked by the contending nations of Europe. It is no idle fancy to predict that the possession of the Australian gold fields, will become an object of ambition to the kings and courts of the old world. The time is, indeed, perhaps gone by, when great colonies can be chopped and bartered as they were fifty years ago ; but it is well we should bear in mind the possibility of these colonies being drawn into a contest,, as yet distant from them by half the world; and that they should contemplate a struggle for their emancipation, not only from the misgovernment of the mother country, but from the invasion of her foes.
And what will be the. fate of New Zealand in the changing destinies of the future ? For weal, or for woe, New Zealand must form a part of the Australasian Provinces, or Empire.
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Bibliographic details
Lyttelton Times, Volume II, Issue 74, 5 June 1852, Page 4
Word Count
1,157The Lyttelton Times. Lyttelton Times, Volume II, Issue 74, 5 June 1852, Page 4
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