BRITISH POLITICS.
INTRIGUES AGAINST PREMIER
RESIGNATION OFFERED
DEMAND FOR LOYAL CO-OPERATION.
LONDON, March 14. liiank Heaven, we have a press to tell us what we are thinking, to tell us what we are saying, to tell us whom we have seen, and to tell us what to do. We are told to-day that there is an acute crisis, that Mr. Lloyd George has delivered to me an ultimatum with a penalty of 1 know not what, that I must answer by midnight on Wednesday, and that the Coalition is tottering Ito its fall. Some people say its pulse was beating so feebly in the last hour that the best judges considered the case hopeless. I do not think I could have done better myself if I had to write headlines instead of conducting the affairs of State, but it is as remote from the truth as it is possible to be. ' , These words of Mr. Austen Chamberlain, when he explained at the Oxford Carlton Club the "crisis" of last week, | indicate in some measure the tendency lof the London press now that party politics havß become a burning question of the hour. Parliamentary news is becoming daily more coloured by the policy of the respective newspapers, and j a knowledge of that policy is needed to j sift the news from propaganda. Already the Times nas "taken off its coat" for the fray, and the price of this paper has been reduced from 3d to l£d per copy lo registered readers. The i
proprietors take it for granted that a General Election is imminent, and we may expect with the return of Lord Northcliffe a determined attack upon Mr. Lloyd George and an attempt to "purge our political life of elements of which it will be well rid."
What was termed the "crisis" came about through the Prime Minister sending to Mr. Chamberlain a letter making it clear that h© would not go on as Prime Minister if Sir George Younger was to be allowed to carry on as spokesman of the Conservative Party. The Premier expressed his willingness to collaborate with Mr. Chamberlain and Mr. Balfour so long as they remained the spokesmen of the party. In addition to Sir George Younger flouting the Prime Minister's authority during the discussion on a General Election in February, he also in effect' denied Mr. Austen Chamberlain's authority as the leader of the Conservative Party. Mr. Chamberlain had laid down the lines on which the chiefs of the Government wished to proceed at the next election—as an alliance, albeit with the two wing,? as Liberal and Conservative—and then Sir George Younger stated that he only wanted "a sort of co-operation and not an alliance, suggesting, indeed, a reversion to the party spirit."
THREE CLASSES OF CONSERVATIVES. There are three classes of Conservatives in the House of Parliament which it is well.to remember when following the political events of the present times: (1) The "Die-hards," who want to I break completely with Mr. Lloyd George ■ and go back to pure and unadulterated , Conservatism of a type in existence previous to 1888. They number about 50 in the House, but are considerably stronger in the local associations. (2) Conservatives of old standing who do not like the Coalition, but prefer to see it kept alive for some time I longer, as they fear that the premature [break-up of the Coalition would let in the Independent Liberals and the ! Labour Party, with all its contingent i risks. This class of Conservative rei cognises that they have no leader at ; present to replace Mr. Lloyd George. | (3) Conservatives.who came in mainly at the General Election of 1918, and to a large extent representing Lancashire I and other big industrial areas. They would not be averse from joining in a i permanent fusion with the Coalition Liberals, as they take up pretty much the same attitude with regard to economic questions, which are likely to be the dominant questions of the future in domestic politics.
MEETINGS AND CONSULTATIONS. Several meetings were held after Mr. Lloyd George's letter had been despatched. The "Die-hards" of both Houses passed a resolution declaring that "in order to restore confidence m the country and with a view to an approaching General Election, there is urgent need for the reassertion of Conservative and Unionist principles." The result of a more representative meeting of the party, however, was that Sir George Younger, although not asked to resign, has been greatly "suppressed," and will not give such open expression to the views to which exception has been taken. I Then the members of the Cabinet also consulted together, and as a result of that consultation they unanimously replied to the Premier that they thought the national interests would not be! .served, but would be injured by the > Prime Minister's rsignation. CABIN BOY AT THE HELM.
j Unionist leaders, of course, have been making repeated references to the outlook and to the fact that at the next election the two parties would fight only in "alliance." Mr. Chamberlain and Lord Birkenhead have been emphatic in their declarations on the necessity for co-operation, and Lord Birkenhead, spealang on the political situation at the Junior Constitutional Club, added with reference to Sir George lounger:' "1 am not one of those who, -when the tempest rages, and when the'captain would not be on the bridge, would give any particular encouragement to the cabin boy to seize the helm; and I am more than ever of that opinion when the cabin boy has announced that" he does not intend to make another voyage." "The majority of the Conservative members in the House,' said a CoaliI tion Minister in an interview, "are anxious for the continuation of the | CoaTition. One of the things we have to guard against is dividing among ourselves and letting in a party which might seek a way out of our financial difficulties by printing more paper money. I think the Labour Party might be seriously smitten with that idea. I think, also, that Conservative dislike of the Coalition might be removed to a large extent if the income tax could be reduced by a shilling at least. The present high rate of income tax is a source of great dissatisfaction with the Government.'? MR CHAMBERLAIN'S EXPLANATION. Mr Chamberlain, speaking at the Oxford Carlton Club, revealed the fact that Mr Lloyd George had offered to
resign, but that he and his colleagues were unanimous in declaring that the Premier s leadership was essential to the nation. Mr Chamberlain's speech was m reply to the toast; of "His Majesty's Government."
When I succeeded Mr Bonar Law -* lie sa:d, " the Prime Minister toJd me, as he told my professor, that if at any time, J. or my Unionist colleagues thought that the national interests would be better served by his retirement, he would gladly resign his charge m our favour, ancl thaf-from outside the Government he would loyally and cordially co-operate with us in carrying through the policy which we had hith erto pursued in common. The Prime Minister could not help observing the wave of unrest and the differences at opinion which are distracting our party at the present moment. The other day he repeated this offer to me. He declined to take my answer,, and he asked ™e + iTr^ l-V to consult my colleague* iii ( the Cabinet and collect their views '» I have consulted them and we have unanimously replied to" Mr Lloyd George that we think the national L terests—yes, and I may add though I do not put it before the national interests, even the interests of our own party—to take, as we must take, a broad and long view of things—would not be served but would be injured, by the Prime Minister's resignation. Ye have told him that we value his leadersnip mi the Cabinet and Government that we value the co-operation of his Liberal colleagues, and that we think that no Government constituted on a purely party basis could have brought this country through the dangers of the war or could have brought this country through the scarcely lesser perils that followed upon the declaration of peace with as little disturbance of public order, an d with as little injury to nafonal interests, and with as little of class bitterness and strife, as this combination has enabled us to achieve
IN OUR RUIN EUROPE PERISHES
•+? ,Coahtl(>n has been working Wl-\ a- C perception of the aims at which it wishes to arrive, and has gone steadny forward along the lines ot pW lication, appeasement, and reconstruction or a devastated world. If this country hesitates or stumbles, if uncertainty as to the policy of this Government ja added to uncertainty as to the policy of other Governments ~~if Governments m this country are at "the mercy of groups, we lose our position and m our rum Europe perishes. We who have worked under Mr Lloyd George, we who are fully associated with him and his Liberar^oTleagues, we who have present to our minds the dangers we have escaped and those we have yet to overcome, we hold we should be false to the national interbetray that constitutional .stability that social order, that national greatness, and influence which must be the first care of the Unionist Party We see our duty, and we will fulfil it We tender our advice to our party We & th« y + WI U be Pers™ded of its wisdom. But for ourselves we mean to continue that co-operation in Government and out of Government until some question of principle arises—if it does arise-which clearly, separates us one from the other, and bids us as a mat ter of public duty and private honour y s"me old attitude of party ho«-
CONFUSED ADVICE. ■ The complexity and uncertainy of the political- situation is illustrated by the contused advice and contradictory news , publishedl m the Sunday press. The i rtt a> rmei\ e *Press<* a clear view I that Mr Lloyd George's sense of duty • will not permit him to resign, and that ithe crisis is over. The • Observer, on j the contrary maintains that the resia. nation is still pending, and is, as .usual strongly m favour of the Premier leavmcr the Conservatives and reforming a united XiberaTParty. Meantime the lories woujd bo left on -their jsins «n?on£r the rums of their prospects The i. eople welcomes enthusiastically ' the idea of Mr Lloyd George's retirement and the recreation of tie old independwLvif Ol}f r™tive Party, and the Weekly Dispatch re £ar<k the break-up « the Liberal and Conservative alliance as certain, and by no means tinwo; come. i PARTIES DIVIDED AGAINST THEMSELVES. *i/'4» SJ udr2, nt of Politics/ writing in the Daily Chronicle, points out the diffaeult.es of a return to the old party methods. "There are deeper political differences,'' he says, "between Conservative* like Lord Birkenhead and Sir Kobert Home and Conservatives like Mr Rupert Gwynne and Lord Carson 2?? T%, W% T? between the old Liberals and Mr Lloyd George. There are IZ*,J% eTT°l S ,in *> Independent Libeial Paity to-day between men like Hogg- and Commander Ken worthy cm tn> on© hand and Lord Gre> on the c^itr. than there are Detwaen eny Ministers within the Coalition Government The Protectionist Mr Hodge and the Communist Mr Lansbury are poles apart and between them there is Arerv variety of climate.
Even the reunion of the Liberals could not be accomplished with the elements now visible. Should a miracle be accomplished and outward unity be restored, the^ would still be just under the.surface t ?ie old fissure between Whigs am' Radicals, and the least disturbance • ould widen it into a gulf What nonsense it is, therefore, to look to a revival of the old parties as the Tray to straight-principled politics. A pureley Liberal or Conservative nr Lab°Ur ,X°r ernmeni> if °ne were possible would be less united, more detracted &y internal differences, than the present Government."
To^?' tller «hmr«i7 shrdl D,sS-(V watchful waiting.—Wellington Post correspondent.
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Bibliographic details
Hawera & Normanby Star, Volume XLII, Issue XLII, 3 May 1922, Page 2
Word Count
2,002BRITISH POLITICS. Hawera & Normanby Star, Volume XLII, Issue XLII, 3 May 1922, Page 2
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