A RE-ARRANGED EUROPE

Hawera & Normanby Star, Volume LXVIII, Issue LXVIII, 2 December 1914, Page 6

A RE-ARRANGED EUROPE

■. . — ♦— — ! STATEMENT BY M. DELCASSE. ■ M Delcasse, the French. Minister of Foreign Anaira, lately gave the italan nowspaper Corriere della Sera an atresting expression upon Italy s attitude and upon possible issues or the war: —• "There are th->se who think that neutrality is not enough, but the Italians themselves alone can judge of that. For my part- it is my conviction that neutrality in itself is already a great gam. It is one of tne fortunate elements which gives us increased conscience in a favorable issue <t»-the struggle that lias been forced upon us." of the series of miscalculations made by Germany, M. Deleasse said: —"I am persuaded that up : ; i6 the last moment Germany believed that Russia, would not move, just as ■<she considered improbable an English intervention. The whole transformation which had been wrought in Russia escaped the notice 6f German observers. ''Here is a story which will show i you her lack of pscholog.cal penetration. It happened some weeks before the conclusion of our secret negotiations which might certainly cause surprise, coming so soon after the incident of Fashoda. One day, after a diplomatic reception. Prince Rad- ■ din, the German. Ambassador, said to me: 'Will you alloy me to ask you ■an indiscreet questio.i? Is it true tnat you have negotiations with England?' J " 'It is perfectly true,' I answered. ! *"We have remarked thai England and Trance are in contact .at several points ' of the globe, but happily nowhere <io! their essential interests conflict. 5 " 'Are you. negotiating about Newfoundland,' asked iiadohn. " '¥es.' . " 'And about Morocco?" he asked further. . . ■ ,' " 'Yes, also. England understands that we have a great interest in put-, ting an end to the centre of disorder' and. agitation in a country which touches Algeria. Germany also for that matter, ought to be glad,' for i ' the pacification of Morocco will make a new opening for her commerce.' "Prince Radolin hastened to telegraph our conversation to his Govern-! inent. Not often has a diplomat the chance of communicating such a secret. Well, at Beilin they would not believe it. They were not willing that my words were sincere. "The day the agrsement was sicn?F x-m London—April 8, 1904—the JMatin published a very exact resume of the principal (conditions About 11 o clock I received a visit from an ambassador. 'I have just met KheTenhuller, the Austrian Ambassador,' said he, 'on his way from the German Embassy. I asked him if he had read the great news, and he answ?red me that there was not a word of truth in the whole of it 'Tout «ela, c'est dcs betises,' was his remark. _ "The same instant I was called to the telephone. It was Cambon £alk-. ang from London, to tell me that the agreement had been signed. Up to the • last moment the German Embassy had refused to believe in the reality of the negotiations. On the other »and, the Government at Berlin has always believed in the existence of fiecret clauses directed against Ger- - many. Yet there was not a single -When questioned more closely as to Jus view of Italy's position, M. Delcasse replied.—"Naturally I cannot tell you what I would do if I were in the Italian Minister's place I ■™, on[y .toll you how I would set forth the facts. The present crisis, tfte gravest in history for the multitudes now engaged m the struggle, mil result :n great changes in the, map of Europe. I believe that the I n^P <$ Europe will be remade for a century to" come: The nest Congress vW have to fulal a graver and heav-, ier task" than that tfhich fell & fthe ! -diplomats who met "at" "Vienna «ftV j Waterloo. The distribution of pnSs < SLt ! 'f P/oportion t Q -ffe saprifieea that each lias made, and each will -receiver a, share according to its efforts. It is therefore to the in-J-ests of every Power to come to Vbe Congress.as on* y\^2Z p&fi; .Id that tnotiefli r& w}\\ ■ h&\ ajord.than ever necessary to tliilik ffj the future and to consider the definite settlement of Europe. '"How will EurJD9 be distributed - after this terrible crisis ? - One of ihe most certain facts is this: England and France will remain friends, iotfcnly because of the recollection of dangers shared in common, but also because their interest;* are the same.! ■They defend the equilibrium of Europe against German attempts at hegemony, and both of them will always have the same interests in safeguarding this equilibrium. • | "Besides, from every point of .view, they have many reasons for lemaining m agreement There is no economic competition ' between them, * for each forms the complement of the other. In the colonial field the attitude of both' is conservative. Their colonial Empire is so vast that thair j only- object, npwad.iys is to keep it and to administer it well. What! ■would Italy have to fear from them ? ] Nothing, absolutely nothing. France •and England in fact, have nothing that they can dispute with her, nothing to snatch from her. "On the other hand, England and France have every interest in making her their common friend. I am not talking of sentiment, I am talking of 'political interests. In the Mediterranean Italy will be for England and JFrance a great element of equilibrium. These two Powers offer no opposition to Italian popular aspirations. "Let us dot the Is. I am certain that neither France, nor England, nor Russia would ever oppose the granting of Trent to Italy. As •for Trieste, the consent of France and England has been already obtained, and 1 am under the impression that Russia also would make no objection. As for the rest of the Adriatic, let u&* speak frankly. Neither France nor any other Power of the Triple En"tente would dispute with you the possession of Avlona. Do you think •one could say as much of Germany?"