New Zealand’s Support

Hawke's Bay Tribune, Volume XII, Issue 238, 20 September 1922, Page 5

New Zealand’s Support

Text of the Despatches GOVERNMENT'S ACTION. CONFIRMED BY PARLIAMENT. (Special to “Tribune.’’) Wellington, Sept. 19. The text of the messages between Britain and New Zealand as disclosed by the Prime Minister was a.s follows: The first one from Mr. Lloyd George, on 16th September, reads :- Cabinet to-day decided to resist Turkish aggression upon Europe, and to make exertions to prevent the Allies being driven out of Constantinople by Mustapha Kemal, and in particular and above all to maintain the freedom of the Straits by securing, firmly, the Gallipoli Psninsula. . . . These arrangements are intended to cover the period which must elapse before a stable peace with Turkey can be secured. For this purpose a conference is being proposed, probably at Venice, possibly at Paris, and it is essential we should be strong enough to maintain our position at Constantinople and around the Straits until this peace has been achieved. . . . I should be glad to know whether the Dominion’s Government wishes to associate itself with the action we are taking, and whether it would desire to be represented by a contingent. The New Zealand Government’s reply was:— The Government of New Zealand desires to associate itself with the action being taken, and will send a contingent. From Mr. Lloyd George had come the following reply:— Your prompt response to the inquiry regarding the sending of troops to resist any thrust against the freedom of the Straits and the sanctity of Gallipoli Peninsula has been received here with enthusiasm. The Empire could not consent to sacrifice the result of the gallant struggle and final victory of its sons in the Eastern theatre. PREMIER’S STATEMENT. AN IMPRESSIVE OCCASION. PARLIAMENT’S UNANIMOUS CONFIRMATION. EXCEPTING SMALL LABOUR MINORITY. Wellington, Sept. 19. When the House met at 2.30 p.m. there was nearly a full attendance of members, including Mr T. M. Wilford, leader of the Opposition, who has been indisposed. The ladies’ and public galleries were also crowded in anticipation of a statement bearing upon the Near East situation and the call to the dominions for assistance in the event of war. Formal business having been disposed of the Prime Minister rose amidst impressive silence. He said no doubt all were awaiting to henr some official statement regarding the happenings of the past day or two, though he coulcl not add very much to what had already been published. Events had been moving rapidly since the House mot on Friday and threatening war clouds had again appeared. On Saturday night while at Government House he had received a telegram from Air Lloyd George of such an important character that he immediately consulted several members of Cabinet who were present, and they agreed upon a certain course of action. This was communicated to trie Governor-General, who immediately cabled the decision to the British Cabinet. Mr Massey then read the above correspondence from the Imperial Government on the subject. IMMEDIATE DECISION IMPERATIVE. Continuing, Mr Massey said he felt certain that every citizen of New Zealand and the Empire who took an intelligent interest in world affairs must have looked with anxiety upon what had been happening lately in the Near East. The defeat of the Greeks had brought matters to a head. The burning of Smyrna followed and what might come after that no man could tell. It was not to be wondered at, therefore, that the British Government was alarmed at the outlook. He did not always agree with Mr Lloyd George’s speeches and actions, but in this instance the British Government could not do anything but what it had done. Action was necessary at once. (Hear, hear). Unless the Turk was faced and his course stopped at once the world would be faced with the greatest war in its history. Mr Massey said be had noticed with pleasure that Australia appeared to be following the same line of action as New Tealand. He hoped the other dominions would do the same. It was accidental that NeW Zealand happened to be first in with its offer of support end assistance to the Imperial Government. The action taken by the informal meeting of Ministers on Saturday night was submittted to a full Cabinet on Monday and confirmed. GRAVE HIDDEN DANGERS. Referring to the possibility mentioned by Mr Lloyd George that the Turks ’ design was to attempt to drive the Allies out of Constantinople, Mr Massey said the Allied troops were there as a gurantee of the safety of foreign people resident "n the city. He was not clear about the relations between Kemal Pasha and the Sultan, but it looked ns if the Government of Turkey was working in sympathy with Kemal. If the latter tried to drive the Allies out of Constantinople the Allies would certainly oppose’him. Mr Massey regretted that Italy was not with Britain in this crisis, but wa# glad France was or. our side. If there was to be war (and he hoped with all his heart and .soul that that might be avoided) the Allies, and the peoples of the British Empire must stand with a united front. (Hear, hear). He thought there was more behind all this than the Turks had allowed to appear. HAPPENINGS IN EGYPT AND INDIA. Mr. Massey read a cabled news account of th© secret Sov»et decision regarding military action in the Caucasus and regarded it as very significant that Soviet troops were already moving in that region. We knew what had been happening recently in Egypt und India. We knew also that Bolshevik agents’ provocateurs were busy in all parts of the British Empire and other countries. He felt sure the Bolsheviks were responsible, even more than the Turks, for the crisis that had arisen. (Labour dissent). Continuing, Mr. Massey said the result would be most serious if the Allies wera driven out of Constantinople —serious for the British Empire and for the world. It had been decided that the Dardanelles be taken from the Turks and placed under international eoptrol. They must not he allowed to get into the Turks’ hands again, and it would lie humiliation to the Allies if they were handed tn Ru* sia. as appeared to be what the Soviet’s aid to Turkey would imply if successful. It was satisfactory to know that British warships were at Constantinople ready for action if required.

NEW ZEALAND’S SACRED GALLIPOLI. Proceeding, Mr. Massey aaid it was evident Kemal ititeutieU to attempt tu take possession of Gallipoli. He need not remind the members of what Gallipoli meant to the British people. Twenty thousand British dead lay there, including some thousands of New Zealanders, and It would be to our eternal disgrace to allow the Turks to take that territory again. It would be sacrilege ,and no sacrifice would be too great to prevent it. He hoped and believed the assistance asked for by Mr. Lloyd George would be forthcoming. He believed the New Zealand people would be practically unanimous on the subject. He had heard criticism of Cabinet’s action in reaching such an important decision without consulting Parliament and asked what was the Government for? (Hear, hear). The Government was an executive •'to act, and lie believed its action in this instance was fully justified. 11 Britain, seeing the danger, did nothing, what would be the result? Sir John Luke: National dishonour. Mr. Massey: Worse than dishonour; it would mean chaos and world war everywhere. We don’t want to see that. No one regretted more than he did this crisis coming at a time when we were trying, and with some success, to reconstruct conditions after the Great War, but duty must be faced, and only one course was open to us with honour. SPIRIT OF YOUNG NEW ZEALAND In conclusion, Mr. Massey paid a tribute to the spirit shown by the young men who flocked to enlist at the first sign of need. It showed that the British spirit was still alive. He moved formally: “That in connection with the recent developments m the Near East, arising out of the war between Turkey and Greece, this House confirms the action of the Government m response to the telegram from Mr. Lloyd George in stating that New Zealand desired. to associate itself with Great Britain in any course of action decided upon, and also that the Dominion was prepared to send a contingent.” LIBERALS LOYAL AND TRUE. Mr. Wilford. leader of the Opposition ; seconded the motion. He said he desired to support the sentiments expressed by the Prime Minister. (Hear, hear). The news was most serious, and lie wished to associate himself and his party with anything done to meet the situation that had arisen. Cabinet, in his opinion, had done the right thing, and the Opposition party led by him (Mr. Wilford) would back up what had been done. (Hear, hear). Mr. Wilford thought it a mistake that the Treaty of Sevres should have provided for Greek occupation of any part of Asia Minor, with the consequent menace to Moslem holy places, constituting an insult whicli the Moslems could not overlook. The Greeks had gone beyond the line laid down by the treaty, and trouble naturally came. Russia’s part in the matter was easy to understand. It wanted an outlet from the Black Sea. He disagreed with the published remarks of the Prime Minister that Turks from Asia Minor should not he allowed to concentrate in Constantinople. The Allies had agreed that the Turks should return. The Turks wanted to have the Sultan at Constantinople, who should be the Khalif. MORAL VALUE OF N.Z. OFFER. Mr. Wilford traversed recent history and the position of the Dardanelles and Balkan countries, and expressed the opinion that Italy’s action was dictated by antipathy to the Greeks, not by sympathy with the Turks. No Britisher could do other than support the proposed British action. “W« must back our country. If the parent should say to the child, ‘We want assistance,’ that assistance must 'be given.” He believed there was yet a chance that the Straits question would be settled without war, leaving he Thracian problem for future negotiation, but the Straits must be kept neutral for the safety of the world. Mr. Wilford paid a tribute to the splendid response of young men to the call for service and added that the men might not be needed, but if they were, then the Turks knew what the men of Anzac were as fighters. (Hear, hear). The response that Went from New Zealand so promptly would he of great moral value to the British Government. (Applause). HOLLAND’S PERVERTED VISION. Mr H. E. Holland said the Premier should have submitted thp position to Parliament before replying to the British Prime Minister’s cablegram. Wars in which the people of New Zealand became concerned should be made by the people of New Zealand. He had been favoured by the Premier with a copy of Mr Lloyd George’s secret cable, but, of course, he was not permitted to use it. He thought Parliament should in future insist that before the Government committed us to war all the facts should bo put before the people. He had seen statements in the Press regarding the strength of Kemal’s forces whicli were quite misleading. He had only a > handful of men who could not hurt anyone. Then, with regard to the cable from Moscow, which the Premier had read, regarding Russia’s attitude, he did not believe it was true. Most of the cables regarding Russia proved to be untrue. He did not think the Russian Government would enter upon an agressivex war. They never had dpne so, but if they did so he would say of them what he would say of any Government which did such a thing. He continued that our dead lay on Gallipoli because we wanted to give Constantinople to Russia. That was a fact in history which should nst be ignored.and covered up. Now we were being called upon to aid Greece against Turkey, the Greece which caused us so much trouble during the Great War. “PREMIER HAD FLOUTED PARLIAMENT.” In Mr Holland’s opinion the present situation was one of pure bluff on the part of the Allies. If the Premier put the whole facts in his possesion before the people he did not think they would approve of the action of the Government. The Labour party did not stand for “My country, right or wrong.” That was a motto; it was immoral. Neither he nor his colleagues approved of it. In this matter the Premier had acted on his own. He had flouted Parliament. He had done something without knowing what Parliament thought about it ,and he did not seem to want to know’ what Parliament thought. He believed the Dardanelles must remain an international waterway, but on a cable received only on Saturday night this matter had been rushed through when there was no need for haste. The people who fight are the people who pay the biggest price and they are the ones who should have the largest voice in those matters. They should be consulted. Even Parliament had no right to say they should go to the front, because the majority of member of Parliament were over the military age and by voting for war members would be saying others should do something which they themselves would not have to do. Ho was against that and both inside and outside the Labour movement ho had fought against compelling others to do what he would not have to do himself.

AMENDMENT LOST: 57 TO 7. Mr Holland then moved the following amendment to the Premier’s motion:— “That this House disapproves of the action of the Government in committing New Zealand to military obligations without the authority of the Parliament and people of New r Zealand, and is of opinion that preliminary to discussion and decision in any proposal to engage this country in future war all information in the possession of the Government should be placed before Parliament and the country. This House further urges the Imperial Government to submit all questions at issue between the Allied Powers and Turkey to the League of Nations for settlement.” Continuing he deprecated secret diplomacy. He declared that the Premier should request the permission of Mr Lloyd George to publish the w'hole of his cable, and if he did so he did not think the people would approve of the haste of the Government. He did not believe the Turkish situation worth shedding a drop of British blood for, because the Turks could not fight, and did not w r ant to fight, but wanted au agreement which would result in peace being secured and in the Dardanelles remaining an international waterway. The amendment was seconded by Mr P. Fraser and on a division was defeated by 57 votes to 7. Those voting for the amendment were: —Messrs II- E. Holland, P. Fraser, W. E. Parry, E. J. Howard, D. G. Sullivan, DL J. Savage and J. W. Munro. TURKISH STRENGTH UNDERESTIMATED. Continuing the discussion the Hon. W. Nosworthy said those who underestimated the capabilities of the Turkish forces were making a great mistake. Who was to know that great hosts of Mohammedans will not be drawn into the conflict. Then Turkey could rely on 1,000,000 of the finest fighting men in the world, who fought with the belief that death in the cause of the Sultan straightway opened up the road to paradise. We could not by neglect or indifference afford to sacrifice the fruits we had won in the great war. The Hon. J. A. Hanan said the successes of Turkey had led her to aspire j to again occupy the position she oc- ■ cupied before the Great War. To that we could never agree. New Zealand must do her part by continuing our loyalty to the British Empire. DEFENCE AUTHORITIES PREPARED. Sir R. 11. Rhodes, as Minister of Defence, said that in Wellington alone there were already IG2I ap- . plications for enlistment ,though none , had been asked for. Many prominent | officers, including Generals Russell and 1 Robin, had also offered their services. | New Zealand was in a position to send ; a very large contingent at short notice, j Their plans were laid and there would now be no delay, because there was plenty of equipment available, which was not the case when the Great War broke out. Messrs G. Mitchell, L. M. Isitt. G. itty,, \\. D. Lysnar, W. T. Jennings and \\ A. the Premier’s motion. Mr. D. G. Sullivan said the Labourparty had no sympathy with the Turk in Asia Minor, but on the constitutional question h© quoted from the speeches of the Premier at the time when Sir Joseph Ward offered to Britain the battleship New Zealand to show that Parliament should first have been consulted. That was the whole issue raised by Mr. Holland’s amendment. The discussion on Mr. Massey’s motion was continued by Messrs V. HPotter, Dr. Thacker, A. S. Malcolm, H. Atmore, the Hon. C. J. Parr. J Edie, C. Mackenzie, R. McCallum and C. E. Statham, all of whom gave the warmest approval of the promptitude, with which the Government replied to Mi. Lloyd George r s cable asking for co-operation and assistance if necessary. MR. MASSEY’S REPLY. Mr. Massey, in reply, said the Government was justified in doing as it did because time was the essence of the contract. The menace was serious and within the next few days he ventured to predict tliat we would have very important news indeed. He sincerely trusted there would bo unanimity amongst the dominions of the Empire, because unity was of the first importance in such a case as this. He regretted to see that in Britain itself there was evidence of dissent and he hoped those differences would he composed so that we coulcl face the situation with a united front. It had been asked why the League of Nations did not intervene. The fact was the League was not strong enough yet to stop war, therefore it was better at present to trust to the league of British peoples, whose ideals Were peace. He denied that our men died on Gallipoli to give Constantinople to Russia. He also denied that the position was all bluff. He wished it was a fact. Kemal’s force totalled 70.000 and everyone knew what would happen if a religious war was started. THE MENACE OF A JEHAD. Ho did not believe every Moslem in India was disloyal, but there was a great element there which might be roused and it was perfectly evident what would happen if a holy war was preached amongst them COUNTRY BACKS GOVERNMENT’S ACTION He denied that lie had flouted, Parliament. Had the time permitted he certainly would have consulted Parliament. What the Government had done was evidently approved, judging by the expressions of loyalty which had come from every part of the Dominion. In Wellington alone 1800 men had offered to enlist and to-day he received a cable from an officer in India tendering his services, w’hich was all encouraging and was more than he expected. Defending his attitude towards Sir Joseph Ward and the granting of the hattieship, he claimed mat at the time the battleship was granted no crisis existed, while to-day a crisis did exist. He did not call for a division against Sir Joseph Ward’s proposal because he wanted the people of Britain to realise that we were united and unanimous on the subject, and he believed they did so. He even went further. He moved a motion regarding compulsory military training so that Sir Joseph Ward could go to the Imperia! Conference and say, “We have not only given you a ship, but we are prepared to help in land defence.” He was gratified at the opinions expressed during the rebate and the expressions of loyalty which had come from every part of the country by those who felt by doing so they were doing their duty as citizens of New’ Zealand and doing their duty as members of the Empire I itself. I The motion was then put to the House and carried on the voices amidst applause. The Premier then moved the adjournment and the House rose at 9.55 p.m.