WILSON’S MESSAGE

Hawke's Bay Tribune, Volume VIII, Issue 52, 13 February 1918, Page 5

WILSON’S MESSAGE

To the Court of Mankind.

“ Shreds and Patches” Peace Impossible.

Yet no Promise of Punitive Justice

[PBKae ASSOCIATION COPYRIGHT.]

Washington, February 12

Addressing Congress to-day, Dr. Wilson said that following his and Mr. Lloyd George’s addresses on the subject of the war, Baron Her'thng and Count Czernm had replied on 24th January.

He said it was gratifying to have our desire so promptly realised, that all exchanges of views on this great matter should be made in the hearing of all the world. Count Czernin’s reply was uttered in a very friendly tone, and having found in my statement a sufficiently encouraging approach to the views of his own Government to justify him believing it furnishes a basis for a more detailed discussion -of purposes by the two Governments. He had been represented to have intimated that I knew beforehand his views, but as a matter of fact I had received no intimation thereanent. There was no reason why he should communicate to me privately, and I was quite content to be one of his public audience. Baron Hertling’s reply was very vague and confusing, and full of equivocal (“unequivocal” was the word used in yesterdav’s cable) phrases, and it was in a very different tone from Count Czernin’s, and apparently of an opposite purpose. It seems to confirm the unfortunate impression made by what we have learned of the Brest Litovsk Conferencec. His discussion and acceptance of our general principles lead him to no practical conclusions. He refuses to apply them to substantive items. He is jealous of international action and international council. He accepts the principle of public diplomacy, but insists that it should be confined in this case to generalities, and wants the particular questions of territory and sovereignty discussed and settled severally by the nations most immediately concerned by interest or neighbourhood. He agrees that the seas should be free, but he (Hertling, not Wilson, as interpreted in yesterday’s cable) looks askance at any limitation of that freedom by international action in the interest of common order. He would be glad to see economic barriers removed between nation and nation, as that would in no way impede the ambitions of the military party, with whom he seems constrained to keep on terms. He raises no objection to a limitation of armaments, but he thinks that matter would be settled of itself by the economic conditions which must follow the war. He demands a return without debate of the German colonies, and will discuss only with the Russians what disposition should be made of the Baltic provinces and peoples, only with the French the conditions under which French territory* shall be evacuated, and only with Austria what shall be done with Poland. Regarding the Balkans, he defers to Austria and Turkey, and concerning the non-Turkish peoples of the present Ottoman Empire to the Turkish authorities themselves. Once all these questions were settled by individual concession and barter he would have no objection to a League of Nations, which would undertake to hold the new balance of power steady against external disturbance. However, no peace arrived at in such a fashion would be acceptable to the world. That was the method of the Congress of Vienna, and we do not intend to return to that period. The peace of the world is at stake. We are striving for a new international order, based on broad and universal principles of right and justice, no more peace of shreds and patches.

Is it possible that Baron Hertling does not see and does not grasp that he 15 in fact fixing m thought in a world dead and gone? Has he forgotten the Reichstag resolutions of July 19th, or does he deliberately ignore them? They spoke of a general peace, not of a national aggrandisement or arrangements between State and State.

A permanent peace must be attained, and this is not possible unless the problems are dealt with in the spirit of unselfish and unbiassed justice, with a view to the wishes, natural connections, racial aspirations, security and peace of mind of the peoples involved. They cannot be discussed separately in comers, for they affect all mankind, and must be so regarded. Nothing settled by military force, if settled wrong, is settled at all.

All public men are now speaking in the court of mankind, and the Reichstag resolutions of July accepted the decisions of that court. There shall be no annexations, no contributions, no punitive damages. The peoples are not to be handed from one sovereignty to another by an understanding between rivals. National aspirations must be respected, and in future statesmen must not ignore the right of self-determination.

The United States had not desired to interfere in European affairs or act as an arbiter m European territorial disputes. She entered the war because she was made a partner in the sufferings and indignities inflicted by the military masters of Germany against the peace and security of mankind. The conditions of peace will touch the United States as nearly as they will touch any other nation which is entrusted with a leading part in the maintenance of civilisation. She cannot see the way to peace until the causes of this war are removed and its renewal made as nearly as may be impossible. The war had its roots in the disregard of the rights of small nations and nationalities which lacked the union and force to make good their right of self-determination. It is now necessary that a covenant should be entered into for the future to ensure these rights for small nations.

If, as Baron Hertling proposes, the territorial settlements and political relations of great populations are to be determined by the contracts of powerful Governments, why should not economic questions, also justice and the rights of peoples, affect the whole field of international dealing as much as access to raw materials and equal conditions of trade?

Baron Hertling wants the essential bases of commercial and industrial life to be safeguarded by a common agreement and guarantee, but he cannot expect that to be conceded him if the other articles of peace are not handled in the same way. He cannot ask for the benefit of a common agreement in one field without according it in the other.

Count Czemin seems to see the fundamental element-, of peace with clear eyes, and does not seem to obscure them,. He -ees that an independent Poland is a matter of European concern, that Belgium must be ciacuated and restored, that national aspirations must be satisfied in the common interest of Europe and mankind. He is naturally =’lent about questions touching the interest and purpose cf his allie.-, because he feels constrained, I suppose, to defer t'> Turkey ami Germanv in th? circumstances; but he feels that Austria can. respond’ to the purpose of peace as expressed by the United States with less embarrassment than could Germanv. He probably would hai e gone further but for the embarrassments of Austria’s alliance and her dependence on Germain . After all, the test of whether it is possible Gr either Government to go any further m tins con-pari-vi of views is simple, the obvious principles being thc.-e:--

(1) Each part of the final settlement must be based on the essential justice of that particular case, and upon such adjustments as are most likely to bring a permanent peace ; (2) That peoples and provinces must not be bartered about as if they were mere chattels and pawns in a game, even the great game (now for ever discredited) of the balance of power ; but

(3) That every territorial settlement involved in this war must be made in the interest and for the benefit of the populations concerned, and not as an adjustment or compromise by rival States;

(4) That all well defined national aspirations shall be accorded the utmost satisfaction than can be accorded them without introducing or perpetuating discord and antagonism that would

be likely in time to break the peace of Europe and the world

A general peace on -uch toi:r.<iutior;> ccyhe ill-vu--t’u. I nti! then we have no choice but to g- 1 Ihese principles are now universally recognised except by the military and annexationist party m Germany

We entered this war upon no small occasion. We can never turn back from the course chosen upon principle. Our resources are partly mobilised. We shall not pause until they are mobilised in their entirety. Our armies are rapidly going to the fighting front, and will go more and more rapidly. Our whole strength will be put into this war of emancipation. Having set our hand to the task of achieving a new order under which reason, justice and the common interests of mankind shall prevail, we shall not turn back.

I have thus spoken that the whole world may know the spirit of America, that our passion for justice and self-government is no mere passion of words, but a passion which once set in action must be satisfied. The power of the United States will nbveribe used in aggression or for the aggrandisement of any selfish interest of our own period. It springs,out of freedom, and is for the service of freedom. AMERICAN NEWSPAPER APPROVAL. (Received 13, 9-35 a-* ll -) New York, February 12. The “New York Times” says President Wilson’s address should convince the German people that military autocracy is the sole obstacle to peace. The “ Herald ” says that unless the Central Powers accept the road .to peace which President Wilson lias outlined, we will continue the war, whatever the cost. The “ Tribune” remarks that such public discussion of the war aims signalises the end of secret diophnacy. Newspapers all oxer the country laud the moral grandeur, consummate skill, and unanswerable logic of the address. KAISER’S FAITH IN THE MAILED FIST. CONQUEST AND A GERMAN PEACE. Amsterdam, February 12. The Kaiser, in a speech at Hamburg, declared his wish to live at peace with his neighbours, but the German victory must first be acknowledged. Our troops will gain it under the great Hindenburg. Then will come the peace we need for a strong future. To this end violent powers of heaven must assist us. Everyone, from the schoolboy to the greybeard, must set his thoughts on conquest and a German peace. The Fatherland will live.