LETTERS FROM ABROAD
BY T. LINDSAY BURK
'No. 21. THE DECLARATION OF LONDON
It had alv.ays been one of my many fancies that if ever I should have the gixxl fortune to visit England I would make it one of my chief delights to .sample the oratory of her public men. and drink at the fountain of the:r eloquence. To one afflicted with the political propeincty there is an irresistible charm in listening to a public man di.-cus.sing public questions. particularly if the orator inns been asocinted in the public mind with tine highest offices of Stabs ami. the question he is discus'ing is one of high Imperial policy. Or it may le that one's penchant runs in the direction of pulpit eloquence, 'and if so t’re san-.-tuary and not the fc-rum will be the magnet of kis pilgrimage.. Aly excursions to the shrine of oratory have led me i.n both directions', ami so far as the latter are concerned the results have not been particularly encouraging. AVitJi tine exception, of Bcsliop AVeldon I have heard no preacher who, as a. preacher, won-id attract, mo a seeon<l time. TTii.g limitation mr.si not. of course, be token to cover tlie entire range of English preaching, for my experienceo have been confined exclusively’ to London. and to only a limited portion of the metropolis, but the bulk of clie fernioms 1 have heard' have impressed m® a.s being stilted formal deliverances, totally lacking in evangelical spirit, and nn -onvim-ing, beetruso. apparently uninspired by the fire of enthusiastic earnestness. But whatever may lie sand of the religious world—and again. 1 desire to make it. clear that I am forming ro general c.inclusion.: from limited premi. <vs—tlie same lack of vital interest cannot be said to characterise the political life of the country. Recent events in England have so stirred the heart of the clertoTates that there ia almost- an electrical alertness manifested in city and country’ whenever a new devolopnieii't is discovered upon any phase of the great legislative qiie-tion.s now before the people. This s •)!»:» of watchfulness -is by no means confined to the masterful game of check mate which is liei.ng played at West,miuster between Ixirds and Commons, but party’ vigilaure Is so keen tliat it wini'.'d be po to organise mass meetings in any’ town or village to sup|Mirt ur condemn the partii-iAar view of the party leaders upon any on.‘. of the big problems w.hii’li are at present fiimmering in the political crucible. Trie, this commendable zeal lia I to lr? somew hat snbdv.cT dterieg the Coronation festivities, and public sp.e.-hes were dlstiinct-ly “off” for some weeks, while the public mind was surfei.ti.ng itself with regal s-plcndili', but with the disappearance from the streets: of the gay trappings i.'jcideutal to the <.row:i:ng of a. King, the mtere-t in politics revivecl, and has once more leapt Into the poslti.e.i of first i.m.purtam-e. The < ircunistan.-o which cont ribute d mere than any other to this sudden re: every was tl.o ar.mnimeine.nt by tin' Governineiit to the Coniinc.ns that they intended to ask tlie House to ratify th? Declaration of Loudon at the virile t possible moment. It is more than probable that jinicr to this comparatively few of Britain's “i'rec nml independent’’ had heard of tho Decl.ai'.i'tion of l.ondoii. and it is certain that beyond the active politicians and members of the Chambers of Co.mniorce and Shipping As.'<>ciatio.ms, stilt fewer had givci'.i ii any s.eccor.s confideration. But. now the naren of the treaty was in the mouth of evoryo.v. an I the air was full of anxious enqirxric.s as to its origin and .intent.. Ther.’ was nothing secret or suspicion', about its <m;g;,n or intent, for the Declaration of London is but a laudable effort on the ]>a:rt of tlie Government to codify internatiomid Law aw applied to the miareantfi’lo inariiu* in time of war. From time immemorial there has been, .no written law on this subject for the guidance of either neutrals or lieli.igeaerrbs but each country has adopted the convenient practice of placing their own eonistruction upon, their supposed .nights, and the manner in which, they were best entitled to -enforce them.. Russia, it will be remembered, dnring her receipt struggle with Japan took what the world at large fortunately regarded as supremely drastic stops to preserve what, she believed to lie her inte.re ts. and in arresting and sinking Britidi ships which were in ni» way concerned with her enemy she outraged ail modern ideas as to her powers upon the sea. This precedent enclosed a serious position- to the British shipowners, who saw that If Bus ia. was entitled to act as she did other lielligerent countries might claim similar rights, to the irreparable hurt of British, conime-ree. The Liverpool shipowners accordingly approached the then. Government and urged upon them the necessity of establishing amongst the nations some better definition of the position, some common understanding, some international agreement, in fact., which would ba mutually binding, and which would guide all parties should war unhappily’ break out between any. two maritime Powers. AVhile sympathising with the need for some such crystallisation of the unwritten practises, linages, and customs of tho rations. the Balfour Government were iinab'e to give effect to the desire of the British shippers, .and tho task of ■inviting tho great Powers to -a ccnferc.iK'e was one of the legacies Air Asquith iniherited from’his predecesSir Edward Grey, as Foreign Secretary. issued the invitations, and the diplomatic representatives, combining the highest naval and juristic opinion of the world, met at Loiklot.. arid after weeks of negotiation the p re.-en t much-<l:scussed Declaration ■ \was evolved as the result, of tl’.wr labors. AVhen the discussions of the delegates were thus reduced to preci.se"’terms, the British Government, was perfectly conscious tlnat they had r-'t sucffeded in >\ x curi’n'g every conditicci they had striven for. but they had seen,red so much that they could not reasonably refuse to < <mced? something to the other Powers in the spirit of compromise which must nec-e-sir’.'.y prevail 'in all such agreements. Neither could they now reasonahiv decline to ratify the decisions 'of the conference which they themselves had initiated when all the other Powers, which had a I to made concessions, were willing to accept them. They therefore declared their intention of ratifying the terms of the treaty. Then the smouldering fires of ixilitica.l activity broke out. It is not to be denied that the agitation against the Declaration, was largely engineered by’ the Opposition, mu'" is it to le contended' that they were not justified in what they’ d.u. Tho function of the Opposition io to criticise, and by criticism to bring out al! that, the people should know. Chambers of Comnwe and Shipowners' Associations throughout the land were invited to take the terms of the Declaration into their consideration, and then condemn them. Thy retireit Admirals, led by the redoubtable Lord Charles Beresford, were piped to the assistance of the Unionist. Party, the Tory press was soon with one voice denouncing the Declaration, and Air Balfour addressed a great meeting m the City Hall, where he spoke to 1200 <;f his umst.ituents in condemnation oi’ tlie stated intention of the GoV' ernmeiit. The littrden of his speech, and that of all the protests which -honored upon tho Government, was not that rhe. Declaration was altogether bad. but. that more time was ; luw.-siuy to nmlersta-nd the full piirp,!! ' '■ ■■'■■;■■"" 1 -■ -'l'v = £ C I m up ■: ■ ■: I the G-wwc-v .igre’ti to rleiay ‘ lal.-. 'll-:, -a ti.-? '..-1,;.' Ihe
Housa had been given, an oppartnnity to freely discuss its momentous provisions.
It was to be interested listeners to this anticipated “big debate that we found ourselves last. Alonday approaching the St, Stephen’s entrance of the House of Commons. The hidenius structures which have been reared in the nc-ighliorliood to serve as Coronation stands have not yet been removed, but even their unsightly bulk cannot entirely’ blot out the architectural .harmonies by which they’ .ar<' surrounded, nor destroy tlie supreme elegance of the building in which the mother of Parliaments sits, for with its magnificently’ proportioned towers, and chaste ornamentation, it must surely remain ore of the most beautiful buildings in England. We. are ■admit-tteel th rough a ■highlyarched drioi'W-ay, guarded by a. helmeted pol iceman, ever vigilant against the inroads of the enterprising Suffragettes, and as we pas? along the spacious passage a. full view is obtained of St. Stephen’s stately hull, rich in much of England’s hoary ln-'-tory, and remarkable if for nothing else than that it was here King Charles 1. wn.s tried and condemned by the Roundheads of Cromwell, w'hose effigy stands grim and resolute, on a pedestal in tlie courtyard iust’bryond. A short flight of steps leads into another hall, on either side of which are ranged monuments of some of England’s famous statesmen,whose eloquence is sti.ll amongst the treasures of our language, and whose statecraft still remains the buttress of our national liTerties. AAitla the glamor of these great uiamcs upon, ou.r memories w-e pass on into an octa iron a I ih.ainber. lofty- of wall, and which from the floor of patterned tile to roof of svniiwtrical grcinn, has beeri cmlH'l'likbed by the art of the painter, the gilder, -and the sculptor.
Hcire is a. scene of lively’ animation, for the vestibule is crowded with men in silk hats and morning coats, some deep in (’Olivers®, some wistfully watching for the result of a message to their member, sum.” arriving, some dep.rr.iing. Al’e have no time to more than make a mental photograph of the scene., for we are hurried off through doorways and passages across the members’ lobby and up a narrow stairway, mean in proportions tender any circumstances, but meaner by- .comparison with the massive gra.ndcur by which it is surrounded.’ At the end of a toilsome climb we are met by- hi solemn figure sitting resplend.M’it behind a shield of win to shirt front, and an emblem of authority on his bosom. Fie takes our tickets and politely assigns ns our positions in the distinguished strangers’ gallery, and as we sink down, into the soft upholstery we realise, that we are indeed in the classic atmosphere, and the august presence of the House of Commons, Tlie art of ■iJiustvation has made us more or less familiar with the interior arrangement of this historic chamber, but even if it had not we should scarcely hfiive had time to glance at its long array of bom-lies, its gaileries, its bird-cage, or its Speaker's chair, for the debate has commenced, and tihcire stand? at the table a young man with cleanly chiselled features, jet black .hair and a voice that is at once dear, cislhired and commanding. This is Str Rufus Isaacs, the At.tci'.'jiey-frc.iieral. He has the Naval Poize Bill before him, for tin’s is the forni in W'lhich legislative effect is to ba given to the Declaration of London, and he is making an important statement as to its legal meaning and effect, for as the legal representative in the Caldmat he is the Minister entitled to speak with highest authority upon its value and intention from the point of view of international! law. He takes it. not clause by clause, but subject by subject, and in terms torse and simple he justifies the conclusions to which the Government has come. He speaks fluently and with a directives? which j>ermits of no evasions. Flo emphasises Inis points .by- a forcible gesture, or a graceful wave of a document. AVhen he- is subjected to an interruption be answers it by instantly referring the interjectoT to some other clinuso in the Declaration, the Hague Convention. or the opinion o:f some eminent jurist. He is master of precedents, authorities and historical incidents, and with these weapons of debate lie elaborates point after point, and rebuts objection after objection. He tells the Opposition’ who listen to hint with the keenest- .interest, that there is no sense in their contentions, but he does it- so gracefully that he gives no <Uenos. Legal ni’nutae, and fine points raised by subtle reasoning, have occupied the greater part of .his attention., but there is one big principle for which he strenuously contends. The Opposition have asserted that because the Deelia.rat.ion of London does not specifically prohibit belligerent nations from converting their fast steamers into cruisers on the high seas, that therefore it impliedly sanctions their doing so. This argument he trounces unspn.ringly. and questions the sagacity and almost the sanity of the party whieli could seriously advance at. He explains that Britain has always protested against this conversion, of niere.hantmon into cruisers on the biigli seas, but at the conference we were u-niable to carry a majority with us against the practice a.nrl therefore the matter stands unaltered. Those nation’? which believe they have a right to so convert will continue to do so, and these which are cf the opposite opinion will continue to protest. Britain-, he declares, lias conceded nothing on the poinit, which leaves us exactly whore we were before, but that, he protests, is not the fault of tlie Government, who, he promises, as he sits down amidst applause. will relax ro effort to bring oilier Powers to their way cf thinking on this important phase of maritime war.
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Hawke's Bay Tribune, Volume I, Issue 243, 30 September 1911, Page 3
Word Count
2,216LETTERS FROM ABROAD Hawke's Bay Tribune, Volume I, Issue 243, 30 September 1911, Page 3
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