ERIN’S ENVOY.

Hawke's Bay Tribune, Volume I, Issue 130, 18 May 1911, Page 1

ERIN’S ENVOY.

AIR. HAZELTON AT NAPIER. The Irish Envoy’s meeting in Napier last night was given anything but a climatic welcome. Rain fell in torrents and was specially heavy just before eight o’clock, preventing many people from attending. Nevertheless, there was a very fair muster, and what the meeting lacked in numbers was made up for, by enthusiasm. The Mayor (Mr. J. Vigor Brown) occupied the chair and the stage was occupied by a number of prominent citizens. His AVorship! in a happy and brief speech, introduced the speaker of the evening, Mr. Hazleton, and also apologised for the absence of the Rev. Fatkpr McDonald, the parish priest. Mr. Hazleton’s speech was on the same lines as those delivered by him in other places in Hawke’s Bay. He thanked his Worship the Mayor and the citizens of Napier, for the generous welcome given him. He rejoiced that though so far awqy from Ireland they kad such a gathering. But he realised there were in the Dominion many people of Irish extraction who, though they had no direct connection with the Irish question, yet showed their desire to support the movement for Home Rule. They found here free conditions which, he held, should be shared by people of the Empire in other parts of the world. He pointed out that the question was not purely an Irish one, but an Imperial issue. The condition of Ireland was the one Mot on English history. He did rot disguise-that the people of* Ireland were sullen and discontented, but it must be remembered that while N.Z. had prospered and progressed, Ireland had gone back. Industry had not progressed and the people had grown poorer. This result was not, he held, the result of soil or climate as Ireland was known as the “Emerald Isle.” Although Ireland had only 4l millions of people, the country could support five times the population. He pointed out that bad laws and impossible conditions had put obstacles in the way -of Ireland’s progress. They could see what had come to free places like N.Z. It could not be said that the Irish were unable to manage their own business because tliey w’ould find Irishmen in the front rank in politics, business, writers and generals of the present day, and they could hold up their heads with the best. Touching upon the loyalty of the Irishmen, he referred to the fighting of Irishmen at the Crimea, South Africa, etc., and eulogised the work of Irish regiments. There was no inherent defect in the Irish people. Why should it be held that they would be such a failure in their own country when they had been so successful elsewhere. In Ireland they had not life under the same conditions. The people -were controlled from outside. There were 67 different local governments or boards controlling affairs in Ireland and Ireland had no voice in these boards; they -were controlled by irresponsible people who put fat salaries in their pockets. It was these people who upheld the present position. Was it any wonder that Ireland had gone back. The retrogression he attributed to bad laws, landlords, reactionaries, and the House of Lords. He promised that Ireland would carry on the struggle against conditions prevailing to the bitter end. Ireland had suffered in the past from bad laws and was suffering to-day from costly, wasteful administration. He contrasted the police control of Scotland and Ireland, pointing out that in the former there were 963 officers and in Ireland the number was 4539. The Irish police cost one and a-half millions per annum. He referred with pride to the N.Z. Education system and said that in Ireland the police cost more than education. In Ireland policemen were paid more than teachers. In N.Z. we spent seven times as much on education as on police. He held the present system in Ireland was no satisfaction to anyone. AVhat was the remedy? He replied: “Trust the people,” as they had done in Canada, South Africa, Australia and New Zealand. All Ireland asked for was the right to make

her own laws, on her own soil, by her own people and work out her destiny in her own way. They did not ask for separation, but they wanted a Parliament and Executive to control Irish affairs. They were prepared to contribute to the army and navy, because they were part of the United Kingdom. It had been said that Ireland was disloyal to the Crown, but that was wrong. They were disloyal to, and refused to accept, the conditions which had brought Ireland to its present position. Touching on the religious question, he remarked that it had been said that Home Rule meant Pope Rule, and the poor Protestant would be murdered in his bed, but this was no argument. He quoted incidents to show that Home Rule was by no means Pope Rule. The party he belonged to was not Catholic, but National. They had eight Protestant Home Rulers in their party. It would be a poor return for freedom to be intolerant to other religions. An Irish Parliament would have no power to vud'-w any religion. He believed they were nearing the end of the great struggle. Forty years of struggle had changed the face of Ireland, and the people could only be satisfied by an Irish Parliament. The death warrant of the House of Lords had been signed, and he hoped to see the doors of the Irish House of Parliament opened in 1914 at the latest. Concluding, he made an earnest appeal for support, and said it was the last final struggle for which they asked assistance. The speaker then resumed his seat amidst hearty applause. His AVorship the Alayor then announced that AVaipawa had sent along £2l, the collection in the room had amounted to £35/11/6, and other contributions totalled £l5O. Air. S. E. McCarthy then moved a vote of thanks to the speaker, and he was seconded by Air. B. J. Dolan. Both speakers dealt eloquently and logically with the subject under review’. Air. John Higgins also spoke, and the meeting terminated by Mr. Hazelton proposing a hearty vota of thanks to the chairman. After the meeting many people came “behind the scenes” to meet the delegate and personally express pleasure at his appeal.