REPLY WHICH MIGHT BE MADE BY SIR GEORGE GREY TO THE MEMORIAL OF THE COMMITTEE OF THE ABORIGINES PROTECTION SOCIETY.

Hawke's Bay Times, Volume III, Issue 176, 27 May 1864, Page 5 (Supplement)

REPLY WHICH MIGHT BE MADE BY SIR GEORGE GREY TO THE MEMORIAL OF THE COMMITTEE OF THE ABORIGINES PROTECTION SOCIETY.

[From the Marlborough Press, April 6.] My Lords and Gentlemen, —I have received your memorial relative to the conduct of the war now waged in this country between the European intruders and the Aboriginal inhabitants. In common with you, I experience profound regret at the failure of those measures taken by me for the preservation of peace, which you are pleased to term “ wise and benoficient.” These expressions are particularly flattering, when it is considered that the wisdom and beneficence of a given course of action are usually tested by the success of the measures employed, and the good resulting from them. Xoiv, in the matter referred to, my labours in favour of peace were productive of war ; my endeavours at economy resulted in augmented expenditure ; and my hopes of raiding a reputation already' high have been disappointed. I was unable to effect anything in favour either of the natives or of myself by the course you sc kindly eulogise. You read my views aright in attributing to me a desire to establish British supremacy in the disturbed districts, and to secure an honourable and lasting peace. These, I may take the liberty of mentioning for your information, are the objects of the present war, which was not undertaken by the Crown of England and the Government of New Zealand, for the purpose of giving effect to any special opinions of mine ; but as the last resort left to an enlightened authority for terminating an increasing antagonism between (he European and native races, highly detrimental to the interests of both. I trust ever to deserve your encomiums upon mv sense of justice, which, however I should certainly cease to merit were I to disregard the claims of Hor Majesty’s European subjects, who colonised New Zealand upon the faith of protection to person and property by the Government of the colony, in favour of those rigidly belonging to the native inhabitants. You say nothing more than the truth in describing my position as difficult and responsible ; and, although I cannot venturi to decide what Englishmen at home may bo justified in saying or doing at Ibis crisis, 1 can have no hesitation in assuring you that their action will not be permitted to influence in the slightest degree my decisions, which must be founded upon a full acquaintance with circumstances, of which parties at a distance are necessarily ignorant. You advise me to take the first favourable opportunity of terminating the war by negotiation. The counsel is good, but more easily given than acted upon; for it might have occurred to yon that if the difficulty could have been settled by that moans, (lie presence of ten thousand British troops here would have been unnecessary'. I used to bold myself famous at negotiation, but William Thompson has taught mo better; hence my reliance upon that mode of terminating hostilities is a good deal weakened. You profess alann at the proposal to confiscate (lie territory of the hostile tribes; what, then, must be the state of your feelings, when you become aware that the measure you so much dread the opposition of your friends here. It is worthy is actually resolved upon, despite of note, however, that the parties in tbo colony who view the confiscation of native lands with disapproval base their objection to (lie policy upon very different ground Rom (hat taken up by you. A lino-ledge of the circumstances under which the natives bold their land, and an acquaintance with the capabilities and value of their terrritory generally, protect resident advocates of Maori rights from the conclusions arrived at in your reasonings on this part, of the subject. For example—it has not been discovered here that taking possession

of conquered territory has a tendency to widen disaffection among the Maori tribes. On the contrary, the fear of losing their lands is believed to hare restrained the great body of the peaceable natives from rising in aid of their brethren in arms; neither is it supposed by persons acquainted with native customs that the loss of lands will prevent the defeated tribes from coining to terms or yielding a peaceable submission. Y our ideas on this point seem to to flow from an exaggerated notion of the value set upon land by the Maori, and of the neceesity to him of possesing it in large tracks. The Maori is not a hunter; and there is no greater necessity for him holding an extensive territory, than there is for his civilized neighbours doing so. Moreover, he is under no apprehension of being entirely stripped of his inheritance. The native knows, what you gentlemen seem not to be aware of, that ample provision will he made for his maintenance ; but although he may dislike the idea of being compelled to labour for a living, yet, you will not be inclined to deny that the change from idleness to industry is one of the most obvious modes by which a solution of native difficulties can be effected. In fact, no greater boon could have been conferred on the aborigines of New Zealand at our formal occupation of the islands, than to have dispossessed them of their nominal ownership in the soil. By adopting an opposite course imaginary rights have become to some extent real; and the marketable value thus given to their land has led to endless quarrels among the different tribes, arising out of claims which there were no data for settling. With respect to the historical analogies, which you quote in favour of making peace with the insurgents whenever it may suit them to ask for terms, I may observe that I am not awa'e of any such having a bearing upon the present case. The quarrel here is being fought out upon an island of no great extent—from whence escape for the natives is impossible—not upon a vast continent like America or Africa ; but 1 forbear to suggest in extenso geographical reasons for an ultimate amalgamation of the races, which, equally with physiological causes, ought to be perfectly understood by the representatives of an association undertaking the protection of aboriginal peoples of the most different types, and existing under every peculiarity of circumstances.

Believe me, I quite appreciate the delicacy of feeling which disclaims the idea of dictation or recommendation to a responsible public officer ; at the same time, I would observe that little danger to general interests is to be apprehended from interference by parties really ignorant of the merits of the question which they undertake to prescribe for. To you I cannot say as did General Cameron to Bishop Selwyn—“ ne sutor ultra crepidam" — because you professed avocation is interference in the affairs of aboriginal races ; but I may suggest that abstract philantrophy is not sufficient for the cause you have in hand. Nothing less than a practical acquaintance with the circumstances of the people whom you wish to benifit will give you the power of doing so ; but it is a pleasant thing to feel benevolent and wealthy—still more so, perhaps, to suppose you are thought to be so by others.

That you may long rest undisturbed in the possession of these and other respectable opinions, to which I am indebted for the memorial now before me, and maintain the position which gives them any weight, is the best wish which in conclusion I can oiler you.