Hawke's Bay Herald. WEDNESDAY, MARCH 14, 1900. EUROPEAN INTERVENTION.

Hawke's Bay Herald, Volume XXXV, Issue 11483, 14 March 1900, Page 2

Hawke's Bay Herald. WEDNESDAY, MARCH 14, 1900. EUROPEAN INTERVENTION.

A cabls message in yesterday's issue stated that on the Continent the overtures of Presidents Kruger and Steyn to the Powers were admitted to be inadmissible. We now have the terms of the appeal for intervention. It rnußt be admitted ifc is cunningly worded. From beginning to end it is assumed that Britain was the aggressor. The claim that the Dutch Republics invaded British territory merely to defend their own territory, and was " done stratagetieally as a phase of defensive warfare " o.tn only be described as impudent. It is in effect contradicted in the next clause, whloh assumes that Britain undertook the war to re-establish her prestige in South Afrioa, and that having done that, and proved the loyalty of her South Afrsoim subjects, she has no quarrel with the Transvaal and Free State, and the Powers should intervene to seouro peace on the basis of the independence of the Eepublics, and a free pardon to disloyal British subjects who have asBißted the Boers. Probably had the appeal been pnt in that form sis weeks ago it weald bare

been very differently reoeived. Then, although the Continental Governments made no hostile move, the offioial Press was jubilant at the British reverses, and took it for granted that the Boers would win, and were speculating on the advantages their respective countries could obtain with Britain defeated and humiliated. M. de Blowitz gives us an' example of this in the shape of opinions expressed by a prominent Frenchman, an ex-Minister, who is described as a man of moderats views, wall acquainted with England, and not unfriendly in his feelingß towards the English. This gentleman, who is represented as well behind the scenes, after a very candid critioism of what he was pleased to oall the obsolete tactics of English strategists (perhaps he has ohanged his opinion since), wont on to say, referring to the issue of the war :— Whatever happens henceforth, the prestige of England abroad is undergoing a fearful crisis, and lean prodict and assure you that it will not bo long before the attitude of an important portion of Europe will prove to Englund how serious this loss of prestige is, and how necessary it is for her to maintain her coolness and energy to face the new situation created for her by the Transvaal war. Pourparhn are now gojng on between at lea3t three of the Continental Powers to force her tc enter into negotiations for the Bettlemeui of the questions still pending by taking advantage of her present embarrassments If you tell me that this ia neither generous nor chivalrous, I would remind you that during the war of 1870 Italy took advantage of the defeats of France to enter Romp, and that Kussia at the same time benefited by the same situation to release herself from the most unpalatable restrictions of the Treaty of Paris. Now we, for I Bpeak only of France, have not been more sentimental than Italy or Russia, and, finding ourselves in face of a nation which cannot heap complications on complications, we bhall strive for a future accord by asking of England the solution of the irritating questions which have so long divided us. We ask, and shall ask, in spite of the renewal of the modus vivendi, for the definitive solution of the Newfoundland question so as to get rid of a long-standing diffioulty. We shall next ask for the definitive settlement of Madagascar. There we mean to be as much our own masters as at home. The island must belong to us free from any foreign intervention. We ask for freedom to agree, without being hampered by any third party, with the Sultan of Morocco, so that, while protecting it against outsiders, Morocco may be an auxiliary, and not an obstacle, in our civilising efforts. We also wish the neutrality of the Menam valley not to be a cause of constant troubles and not to be an imaginary obstacle whenever it seems necessary to make the weight of our arms felt by the Siamese, soreened by that neutrality. Lastly, the Kgyptian question must be broached and solved, and this we are certain we shall do with the co-operation of Europe. England may have evaded engagements, but she is now unable to do so. We do not mean to supplant her in Egypt; but, if we cannot restore a condominium, we can demand an Egypt entirely independent, and having on the Suez Canal, as along the Nile, a friendly neutrality, giving all Europe equal access to a territory which should belong to nobody but herself France knows that, when Egypt is now spoken of, you speak of the Soudan and Abyssinia; but Egypt, as regards administration, finances, judicature, and army, can stand by herself, and as for hei external security, when this is uuder tht guarantee of all Europe, neither the Negus nor the Dervishes will think ol molesting it. Sutsh are the demand: which England may expect, for thost charged with drawing them up know thai no time is to be lost, that the propitioui moment for a satisfactory settlemenl must not be neglected. lam not in a post tion to state the demands of Germany anc Russia, but I can stute that neg- tintioni are going on for common action, ant I may add that Germauy, far from wish ing to delay French action, is rathei encouraging and inciting it, while Russis is far from discouraging it. Neithei Austria nor Italy seems anxious to bi initiated into the projects of the othei Powers, but, the agreement once con eluded— and it is not the first— betweei France, Germany, and Kussia, Jtaly am Austria will be promptly sounded. As t< France, I have reason to believe that M Paul Cambon, the Ambassador in London will shortly have full instructions foi entering into a conversation with Lort Salisbury which ought speedily to lead t< an application for the solutions of whicl I speak. General Roberts' coup in getting rounc Cronje's flank into the Free State, th< succession of victorios which have fol lowed, the relief of Kimberloy aud Lady smith, and the evident demoralisation o the Boers, have put a very different com plexion on affairs. In suing for peact through the intervention of the Europeai Powers the Boers have confessed themselves beaten, and they are ready to yield any terms if they can only secure theii independence. If we had a Gladstone ai the head of affairs they might succeed and ten years hence, when they had recovered strength, the same bitter struggle on an even larger scalo woulc have to be fought again. But wit! Lord Salisbury and Mr Chamberlain at the head of affairs there need be no fear of that. No one wants revengeful terms, and the Boers will find themselves better off in the end under British rule. But they must be deprived, once and for all, of all power to create mischief in South Africa. To leave them their independence means to leave them their armaments, for any conditions they might agree to on that head would be immediately broken. They are a treacherous race, and must be treated on that basis. The war must therefore be prosecuted until there is unconditional Biirrender, no matter how long it may last, or what it may cost. But if they continue to fight after such an open confession of defeat they will only make a rod for their own backs.