THE MORDAUNT CASE.

Hawke's Bay Herald, Volume 14, Issue 1149, 3 May 1870, Page 3

THE MORDAUNT CASE.

The hearing of this sensational case was continued on Feb. 23. Tho interest culminated when the Prince of Wales stepped into the witness-box to be examined. Sir Frederick Johnstone also came forward to deny, upon oath, the charges that had been made against them. The Prince's denial that there had been any undue familiarity between himself and Lady Mordaunt was received with satisfaction in the crowded Court. Dr. Deane said several names had been mixed up in the case, amongst others those of the Prince of Wales and Sir Frederick Johnstone, the latter of whom had been subjected to the most hideous imputations. He proposed, therefore, to examine them, and he should first call on his Koyal Highness. The Prince of Wales was then sworn. The Judge Ordinary ; I feel it my duty in the first place to explain to your Royal Highness the position in which you now stand. By the 3rd section of the Divorce Act, no one is bound to answer any questions tending to implicate himself in a charge of adultery, and I think it right to givo your Royal Highness due notice of this. His -Royal Highness was then examined as follows by Dr. Deane : — I believe your Royal Highness has been for several years acquainted with the Mordaunt family ? — I have. Were you acquainted with Lady Mordaunt before her marriage ? — I was. On her marriage did you write to her and make her some wedding present ? — I did. Has she visited you at Marlborough House, and seen your Royal Highness and the Princess of Wales* there f— She has. Has she gone to the theatre with your Royal Highness ? — She has. . Lady Mordaunt was married in 1866. In the year 1867 did you see much of her ? —I did. And in the year 1868 P— l did. Were you acquainted with Sir C. Mordaunt ? — I was. Have you frequently met wifch Sir C. Mordaunt ? — I have. And with Lady Mordaunt ? — With Lady Mordaunt. Your Royal Highness knows a place called Burlingham. In June, 1868, there was a pigeon match there, I believe P— « There was. Your Royal Highness was captain on the one side, aud Sir Charles Mordaunt on the other, and Lady Mordaunt scored for both sides, I believe ?-— Yes ; that was so. We have heard in the course ofthis case that your Royal Highness uses Hansom cabs occasionally ? Ido not know whether that is so or not. — It is. There is only one other question which it is my duty to put to your Royal Highness, and it is this. Has there ever been any improper familiarity or criminal connection of any sort between yourself and Lady Mordaunt ? — There has not. (Cheers.) Mr. Serjeant Ballantine : I liave no question to ask your Royal Highness. His Royal Highness then left the witness-box, and retired from the court. \ Sir Frederick Johnstone was then called and sworn. The Judge Ordinary : I must tell you, Sir Frederick, as I have already told his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales, that you are not bound to answer any questions tending to criminate yourself, or to implicate yourself in the charge of adultery. Examined by Dr. Deane : I have been acquainted with Lady Mordauntfor several years ; I have known her from a child, and have kept up acquaintance with her and her family. Sir Charles Mordaunt was at school with me, but I did not know him afterwards before his marriage. I was a frequent visitor at Walton Hall, and kept my horses in the neighbourhood. In the month of September, 1868, I dined with Lady Mordaunt at the Alexandra Hotel. I got there about eight o'clock, as far as I can remember, and left at twelve. During that time we were in tho sitting-room. From first to last there has been no improper familiarity or criminal act between mo and Lady Mordaunt. A more unfounded statement was never made than that I have suffered severely from disease ; it is quite untrue. Cross-examined by Mr. Serjeant Ballantine : I was invited to meet Lady Mordaunt at the Alexandra Hotel. I had called upon her there on the Wednesday at two o'clock, and was invited to meet her on the following day ; I knew her husband was not in town. I was two or three times on a visit to Walton. I never told him of the dinner with his wife. I ! never saw him, and I never referred to it by letter or otherwise to him. lam not a family connection of Lady Mordaunt's. By Dr. Deane : When I was alone with Lady Mordaunt the waiter came into the room sometimes. Dr. Deane said this was the case for the respondent, and alluded to the publication of the Prince of Wales's letters as a most improper proceeding. Mr. Serjeant .Ballantine said it was a most improper proceeding, and ho could oiily say that ho himself, and those who were with him, were as much surprised by it as anybody else. It was not his intention, as he had already stated, to have the letters read. The Judge Ordinary : Ifc was extremely improper, and my only doubt is whether I should not consider it a contempt of court. Dr. Deane read the letters, which havebeen already published. Mr. Serjeant Ballantine then said that with the Court's permission he would rather not address the jury until to-day, as the court was intensely hot. The Judge Ordinary concurred. The Court then adjourned. THE IRISH LAND BILL. On the 15th February, Mr. Gladstone, in introducing the Irish Land Bill, said that there remained a perplexing question, the difficulties of which had been aggravated by long neglect and delay. This ! was the question of land tenure. Before entering on this directly, he desired to remove some misapprehensions and prepossessions which tended to obscure and embarrass its consideration. That the Celtic population were peculiarly prone to violence and lawlessness was disproved by the fact that the most Celtic counties, such, as Connaught, were almost free from outrages, as compared wifch non-Celtic districts like Ulster. Conquest, distinction of raco and religion, absenteeism, and other circumstances, rendered the relations between landlord and tenant in Ireland entirely different from what they were in England. Law and custom differed alike in the two countries. As to the general prosperity of tho country, ifc •was true there had been a great improvement during the last twenty years ; but since 1860 the previous rate of progress had not been maintained, large tracts of land had passed from tillage to pasture, the cost of subsistence had increased, the transfer of property had also tended to disturb the agricultural population. Again, the practical operation of various laws passed for Ireland had proved yery differ*

ent from the excellent and kindly intentions in which they had their origin. The poor law and emigration might be palliatives of misery, but could hardly be expected to content people who wished to be independent and not to quit their country. It was a great thing to have abolished tne odious penal laws and to have established religious equality ; but- this did not touch the material fact that the condition of the bulk of the occupiers of the soil was in many respects hardly better than it used to be. While the legislative protection afforded to them had proved in a great degree inoperative, the process of ejectment - had been facilitated, and the temptation to exercise it was increased by the Encumbered' Estates Act, under which proprietors had sold rights which in reality belonged td their tenants, and purchasers had refused to recognise obligations not in their contract. It was not proposed to establish absolute freedom of contract in Ireland. Important as freedom was in this respect, the tendency of legislation had been to multiply restrictions upon it, as, for example, the Factory Acts, Emigration Acts, &c. In Ireland freedom could not be allowed because the tenants were not free, being confined by circumstances to one occupation, and obliged to get land on such .terms as they could. The great vico of the existing system, as pointed out by jthe Devon Commission, was -insecurity, .of- tenure. As fixity or perpetuity of tenure virtually involved the expropriation of landlords, and as a new readjustment of rents according to value, of produce would not meet all the contingencies of the future, it followed, as a matter of course, that the proprietors would have to be bought out by compensation. This, however, raised practical difficulties as to finding money for the purpose, and the Government were not prepared either to deprive landlords of their interest in the country or to absolve them from their duties. Moreover, if perpetuity of tenure were to be absolute, it would proscribeallactive energetic tenancy, while if it admitted of leases it would contain within itself the seeds of its own destruction. . As to socurity of tenure, distinguished from perpetuity, there was striking evidence of its advantages. Disregarding the false lights of theory, and all such questions as whether holdings should be large or small, whether improvements should be made by landlord or tenant, and so on, the Government had looked exclusively to practice, and had thus devised a measure which Mr. Bright, in a letter written when first attacked with illness, described as "just and comprehensive." Mr. Gladstone then described the provisions of the Bill. Although the first effect of the measure would be to impose new obligations on the landlords, the ultimate results would be greatly to benefit them, and at the same time to stimulate the productiveness and promote the contentment of the country. Mr. Gladstone explained that there would be other bills dealing with the transfer of land, and intestacy, and applying not merely to Ireland, but the whole kingdom. Mr. Hardy' (in the absence of Mr. Disraeli) gave expression to the wish of the OppoI sition to deal with the Bill in a candid and ! conciliatory spirit, and with au intense desire to realise all those blessings which Mr. Gladstone had anticipated from it. He deprecated a desultory and imperfect discussion of its provisions at the present moment ; and, anticipating that the material discussion would be in Committee, he asked when the second reading would be taken. Mr. Gladstone proposed the 7th of March for the second reading, in the hope of getting into Committee on the 21st, and of getting through the occupation clauses before Easter. After some remarks from Mr. Newdegate, the Bill was brought in and read a first time. COLONIAL POLICY. On February 14, the Earl of Carnarvon rose to call the attention of the House to the present relations between the Government of this country and the Colonies. He observed that the speech delivered a few days back in Her Majesty's name was of unusual length, and the subjects mentioned in it of more than usual gravity. There was, however, one question to which reference might have been expected, and yet scarcely any allusion to it was made, for, with the exception of Ireland, thore was no subject more important than that of the policy to be followed inthe administration of o/ur colonial empire. Wo had of late seen some startling events in its territories — a native war in New Zealand, a petition from British Columbia for annexation to the neighbouring republic, and other matters of grave import. He did not propose to enter into any of those complex subjects ; he preferred rather to draw attention to the relations existing between the Home Government and our brethren in the colonies, especially on the important matter of military organisation and defence. Our colonial empire was now such as perhaps no other country had evei- possessed. Spain and France had colonial empires which were wrested from them ; our own might be said to bo in great part the result of accident or mistake ; but, such as it was, he hoped that statesmen would I long continue to cherish it. To some of the colonies we had given constitutions too profusely and indiscriminately, aud in general it might bo remarked that they had the amplest measure of self-govern-ment, ancl personal and political freedom without stint. Legislation had been carried out for their oenefit and not ours, so that for some years past the old feelings of jealousy in regard to Downing Street, aud the domination of the Secretary of State, had come to be looked upon as traditions of the past. But for the last three months a change in a contrary direction had taken place, and agitation had reigned throughout the dominion of Canada, the Australian colonies, and New Zealand. A proposal had been made by persons of considerable weight for the construction of a colonial council corresponding to the Indian Council, with the view of affording the Secretary of State greater information on colonial subjects. There was, however, no real analogy between India and our Colonies properly so called, these latter consisting of a variety of countries iv different stages of advancement, and with different forms of government, whereas India was a vast country placed under a single administration. Thero was no corresponding con' nection between the different colonies which would admit of the formation of a homogeneous working body in the council in this country, and a very striking proof of that was furnished at the meeting held a few months ago at ' tl.e Cannon-street hotel, at which some of the colonial representatives complained of a coldness on the part of the noble earl opposite (Granville), while a gentleman representing tho West Indies was of opinion that there was too much interference on the part of the Crown in tho management of colonial affairs. It had been said that the concessions that had been made to the colonies were in some instances premature, and in others excessive, but he thought there were circumstances which rendered those concessions in several cases inevitable. The problem they had to solve was to secure and preserve, on the one hand, the selfgovernment they had given to the different colonies ; and, on the othor, to effect a more satisfactory and more substantial connection with the mother country than that which now existed. There were several influences which would greatly

j tend to bring about that result. He hoped the noble earl opposite would forgive him for saying that the courtesy and kindness of speech which he had shown to those of their lordships with whom he had come in contact, had apparently deserted him in his correspondence with regard to this question. These despatches were couched ih hard terms, and marked by severe logic ; and, in fact, so framed as if there were a debtor and creditor account between this country and the colonies. That was not the way to soothe persons suffering from a sense of wrong. He wished the noble earl could come to some understanding, whether by despatch or by conference, by which all the great colonies could unite in contributing their efforts towards the settlement of the difficulties involved. An influence which might be appealed to with absolute certainty of success was that of the Crown; and it was a well-known fact there was no part of Her Majesty's dominions where there was moro heartfelt and devoted loyalty than, in the Colonies. (Hear, hear.) There was another mode by which possibly the object in view might be attained. " Short accounts make long friends," and he believed that there was nothing which contributed more to a good understanding between man and man and nation and nation than a clear understanding of the different powers that both exercised, and the different lines that separated those powers. There was no: doubt that the power exercised by the Colonial Government on the one hand, and the Imperial Government on the other, had not been well marked out. He wished to see, if possible, that when an Englishman and a colonist went to their respective countries, they felt they were members of the same great confederation — of the same great empire. He indulged the hope, though circumstances at present seemed adverse to it, that such a confederation might yet bo effected — a confederation of which England should be the centre to all composing it, bound by a tie which should last for generations to come. It should be the wish of every Englishman to preserve the influences which connected us with the Colonies, and to try and prevent an abandonment of them, because such aresult would lead to our becoming a second-class Power. The position of the military power of the empire was a matter of the most vital importance when viewed in connexion with this question. Last year 10,000 mon were struck off, and if this year a similar number should be got rid of, he ventured to predict that the position of the country would be a critical one. Somo persons asserted that if all the colonies were severed from this country our trade would remain unchanged, but he maintained that this was an egregious error. The military organization for the defences of the empire was the great tie which bound the Colonies to us, and he deeply regretted the withdrawal of troops which he understood had been ordered in the dominion of Canada. With regard to Australia he would simply say this, that so long as the troops in that country were placed under the control of the Crown, and so long as tho colony was willing to pay its fair quota of the expense, it would be unwise to withdraw them in the present state of the Colonies. The case of Canada was different from and very much more serious than that of Australia. It was a large country confessedly open to attack, and it was known that if an attack was made, it woulcl bo by a very strong force. They had it on the best authority that Canada was capable of defence. And if there be a population brimming over with loyalty and devotion to their own soil, it was the people of Canada. He heard with profound regret that her Majesty's Government had decided upon withdrawing all the troops there. Those troops formed the nucleus around which the national levies grouped. They were a standing school of instruction to the Canadian volunteers — ■ in a word, their presence was tho visible presence of the empire there, and their absence would be construed into an abandonment of that power. (Cries of " hear, hear.") Three years ago this country built up the dominion of Canada, but they scarcely created it when they heaped upon it several questions of an Imperial character, including the negotiation with the Hudson's Bay Company, the Fishery question, the relations with the United States, and the question of fortifications. No county had shown more readiness to provide for their defence from attack than the Canadians. They raised the expense of their military establishment by millions of dollars, they formed a militia composed of 40,000 men, aud they had spent £1,100,000 upon permanent fortifications and defences. If we lost Halifax and Bermuda, possibly our whole commerce would be seriously endangered, and we should take the first step in national decay. Ho. admired the manly, eloquent, and outspoken words of the right hon. gentleman theVice President of the Council on Education at Bradford, on the colonial question; but if her Majesty's Government had a policy, in God's name, let the House know it. Five years ago about this very time there was a debate in another placo during which Lord Hartington made a speech, and the then Colonial Secretary, now the Secretary at the W r ar Ollice, spoke in the same vein on the colonial question, while Mr. Bright, whose absence from his place in Parliament through indisposition he deeply regretted, stated that separation " would be better for us and better for the colonies themselves." Mr. Lowe, another member of the Government, said that if Canada chose a British connection, she must take it subject to certain conditions which must be imposed by the mother couutry. Now he (Lord Carnarvon) entered his humble but earnest protest against a course which was ruinous to the honour and fatal to the best interests of the country (hear, and cheers). Earl Granville complained that the noble lord had framed an indictment against the policy of her Majesty's Government with regard to New Zealand, and respecting emigration, at a time when he (Earl Granville) was incapacitated from dealing with either question, although he should be glad to take an early opportunity of discussing both. He certainly conceived that the noble earl had been satisfied till lately with what the Government had done in the matter," judging from a speech which his lordship had made towards the close of last session ; and he (Earl Granville) was not aware of one single colony of a self-governing character which had a grievance against the mother country. He would venture to say that, slight differences apart, it was perfectly impossible to bo on more cordial relations than he was with Canada at tho present moment — (cheers) — -and on the general question he should liko to know when the relations between Great Britain and the Colonies were ever in a moro satisfactory state than now. The noble earl had paid him an undeserved compliment for having been most polite, when all he could claim was a desire to avoid unnecessary acerbity or personality in transacting either public or privato business. (Cheers.) He endeavoured always to tell the truth ; and from so much of the noble lord's statement as regarded mutual deception he utterly and completely dissented. Lord Palmerston once asked General Wetheral what j number of troops would bo necessary to hold Canada, with the assistance of the Canadians themselves, and the reply was 15,000.

The Earl of Carnarvon said 4,000 had beeu added by the late Government in their tenui-e of office. Earl Granville said it had lately been found practicable to diminish the number, and he held that a large and populous colony like Canada ought in time of peace to be left to the duty of self-defence. If the fortresses, such as Quebec, were to be garrisoned by England, this would undoubtedly invalidate the power of the colonists for a military defence in case of war. The Committee of 1861 had recommended that the Imperial troops should be massed ! at home, and that, for the defence of the colonies, our main reliance should bo placed on our maritime force, which was superior to that of any nation on earth. There were many thoughtful men who considered that the time was not far distant when a friendly separation might take place between England and Canada, but his firm belief was that the great majority both of the Canadians and the English desired the maintenance of the existing connection. Another alternative was to keep our troops at the expense of the colonists, and retain the command of them ourselves. He could not help thinking that this: was one of the most probable causes of quarrel likely to arise, if the colonists were accustomed to the presence of troops, but denied the use of them on any sudden emergency arising.. (Hear, hear.) The governing men of the dominion were men of considerable ambition, proud of the new nation which had been created, and hopeful ofits future. The American colonists of jlast century remonstrated against tho whole burden of internal defence being thrown upon them, and it was. natural that the Canadians should think their obligations to Imperial defence fully discharged when they could bring 500,000 armed men into the field in case of need, as they stated their readiness to do. The attempt to conquer and permanently subjugate a nation of 4,000,000 was too wild and chimerical a scheme to be entertained by any but a few reckless and desperate spirits. What the Americans who wished to obtain possession of Canada mainly relied upon was the attraction of commercial relations subsisting between Canada and America, and it could not be supposed that any considerable obstacle to designs of conquest, if such were entertained, would be found in the presence of 2,000 British troops: The measures adopted by the Government would, he doubted not, be received by the colonists in the same spirit as had dictated them, and they would understand that they did not in the slightest degree diminish the mutual obligations of the two countries in times of war. .Lord Lyttelton entirely agreed with the noble earl in the basis of his views. Viscount Monck thought the dismemberment of the empire had virtually already taken place, and the noble lord opposite himself admitted at the commencement of his speech that tne colonial connection existed rather in name than in reality. The Earl of Derby. — I do not rise for the purpose of prolonging the controversy which has arisen between my noble friend and the noble earl opposite. I merely wish to point out that my noble friend has, I think, entirely accomplished the object with which he brought this matter before the House. (Cheers.) Because, whatever may be the opinions which may be held on various points on which my noble friend and the noble earl opposite have expressed different ideas, he has succeeded in eliciting from the noble earl, speaking as the head of the Colonial Department and as the representative of the Government in this House, a distinct and unequivocal declaration that, whatever may have been the reasons, either fiscal or military, which caused, ancl which very possibly — for I am not arguing that — may have justified, the withdrawal from Canada of the greater portion of the troops maintained there in time of peace — whatever those reasons may have been, the noble earl has distinctly informed us that nothing that has been done or said by him would be held to weaken the obligation of honour and of duty under which this country lies to take its part in defence of the colonies, if, unhappily, necessity should arise. (Cheers.) Now that is a statement on the part of the noble earl which is, I think, an answer to any misapprehensions that may have arisen out of doors, and that some misapprehensions have arisen— perhaps from the casual and not well-considered utterances of eminent men (hear, hear) — thero cannot be a doubt. If no other result had followed from this discussion than eliciting that statement from the noble earl, I think my noble friend would have done good service in bringing forward this question. There is only one other remark I wish to make, and that has been partially anticipated by the noble viscount who has just preceded me. lam iuclined to agree with what was said by the noble earl that, looking to the state of things that exists now, in a time of profound peace, the relations between the mother country and the Colonies are not on the whole unsatisfactory. The Colonies, speaking generally, have not much to complain of, but are entitled to look to us for naval and military protection, and at the same time we extend to them such absolute internal independence that, if thej'- like to do so, they can almost protect themselves against the admission of our manufactures, aud to a great extent exclude our emigrants. I do not think that in the present state of things, or in any state of things like the present, much difficulty is likely to arise ; but we have this to bear in mind, that we cannot expect a state of peace always to continue. Take, for instance, the case of Australia. The ties between this country and Australia are uudoubtedly strong enough to, all appearance, and I believe strong enough in reality. But we know, nevertheless, that under present circumstances there is no strain whatever upon them. The strain woulcl arise if we unfortunately became involved in some great European quarrel, and if, as the consequence of that quarrel, the Australian colonists found that their commerce was interrupted, that they were suffering heavy losses, and were obliged to put themselves in an attitude of defence, and all this on account of some dispute in Europe about which they neither knew nor cared. That is a state of things which, if ever it arises, may lead many of the colonists to take a view which they do not take now as to the greater advantages of a position of independence. That I look upon as being tho danger of the future, the rock ahead as regards the maintenance of the empire. Ido not say that it is a state of things for which I have any remedy to propose, but it is at least something to see when a danger is likely to arise, and not to be taken unprepared, as unfortunately has been very much an English habit of late in reference to many foreign and colonial questions. (Cheers.) Lord Lyveden defended the absence of any allusion to the Colonies in the Speech from the Throne, as being, under the circumstances, unusual and uncalled for. He was somewhat disappointed at the understanding which appeared to have been come to that New Zealand and Colonial Emigration should be struck out of the present debate, because many of their lordships had come down on purpose to j hear what would be said on those sub- ! jects. So far from agreeing with Lord Carnarvon, he never remembered a time j when there was less controversy between

the Colonial Office and the Colonies.— The subject:, hen dropped; _ ' EMIGRATION. The subject of emigration' continues to excite the. greatest interest in the country, and. a deputation of the National -Emigration League had an interview with Mr. Gladstone on February 3, to ask for State aid to enable the poor to emigrate; The Premier promised that the subject should receiver the earnest attention of Government. The. League afterwards held a -conference at the house of the Society of Arts, when Mr. E. Wilson, of Australia, and the Rev. Harry Jones, who has just returned from New York, addressed the meeting. The latter proposed a poll-tax of five shillings Der head to be charged on every emigrant, in return for a State guarantee for five years of work, and if ill, of medical comforts. Sir ,W~ Denison was in the chair. The League has also held meetings at Leeds, and- other parts of the country. A meeting of the Colonial Emigration Society was held on February 2, at the Mansion House. The total emigration from Liverpool for „ January was 239 in excess of that for the Cdrrespondlng period of last year. All the passengers-— .numbering 3,095-— undeiT'fhS* Act proceeded to the United States. Mr. Thomas Hughes, M.P., and Mr. J. W. Chesson have written letters with the object 'of showing that emigration can be made selfsupporting..- The Emigrant and Colonists' Aid Corporation have been in correspondence with Lord _3rranville oh the subject of emigration. A paper was read by 001. Maude before, the .Royal Oolonial Society, in which he advocated a scheme 6$ selfsupporting emigration, by lending the emigrant money with which to: purchase land in the colonies. A monster petition, praying the attention of the Government to the vast importance of maintaining the existing relations between England and her colonies, was presented to the Homo Secretary on February 15. It wa3 signed by 104,000 working-men. A scheme fpr a regular system of military emigration has been proposed by Lieut.-Colonel Bray. THE OBSEQUIES OF 318. PEABODY. . Under date Portland, January 30, we are informed that the remains of Mr. Peabody were formally delivered to the United States, and transferred from the Monarch to the steamer Ley den. .They were then landed and borne by ten British seamen to the funeral car, the band of the Monarch playing a dirge. Captain Commerell, in delivering the remains to ; Mr. Chamberlain, Governor of Main, said they were intrusted to his care by Mr. Motley, the United States' Minister in London, and that the British Government gave him orders to show in every possible way the respect and admiration felt by the Queen and people of Great Britain for the distinguished philanthropist whose venerated remains Great Britain now parted - with, but whose. memory would ever be retained and cherished, while the suffering artisan, widow, and orphan on both sides of the Atlantic would henceforth bless the name of Peabody. Mr. Chamberlain replied that the American peoplo gratefully appreciated the national courtesy of Great Britain, and the tenderness with which Queen Victoria had restored the venerated remains of Mr. Peabody to his 'native country. The Monarch, he added, had achieved a greater victory than her guns could ever win. The funeral car, guarded by British Marines, and followed by relatives and mourners, by Governor Chamberlain, Captain Commerell, Admiral Farragut, several State and municipal deputations, Mr. Murray, the British Consul, and the officers of the' British and American fleets, proceeded to the City Hall, where the remains were laid in state. On February 1 the remains of Mr. Peabody were removed from Portland to Peabody, Massachusetts. The Germania Orchestra, of Boston, and the Haydn Association, performed dirges and pieces of sacred music, including a chorus from the " Messiah," sung by 300 voices. The funeral cortege formed, consisting of delegations from Congress and State Legislatures, numerous municipalities, officers of the British and American navies, detachments of national and State troops, and officers of several educational establishments endowed by the deceased. The body, on arriving at Peabody, was laid in state at the Peabody institute. Prince Arthur attended the final obsequies of Mr. Peabody on February 8. The Secretary of the Navy has sent a letter to Captain Commerell, congratulating and thanking him for the faithful discharge of the duty of conveying Mr. Peabody's remains to America. The Secretary expresses regret that the arrival of tho Monarch five days earlier than she was expected had prevented the assembling of a larger fleet for her reception. MISCELLANEOUS. Coukt. — The Queen has arrived afc Windsor. The Duke of Edinbui-gh • has been formally gazetted an Extra Knight Grand Commander of the Order of the Star of India. The Pbince and Pjjincess ov Wales have returned from Gunton Hall, and aro staying at Marlborough House. Their Royal Highnesses honoured the Hon. Artillery Company's ball with their presence on February 9. The Princess of Wales, notwithstanding her recent indisposition, took her part in the dances, and charmed everybody present by hor simple , and fascinating manners. The ball was opened by Colonel Loyd Lindsay; V.C., and the Princess of Wales, and by the Prince of Wales and the Hon. Mrs. Loyd Lindsay. Their Royal Highnesses have been going the round of the theatres. His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales will, by command of the Queen, hold a Levee at St. James' Palace, on behalf of Her Majesty, on Thursday, March 3. Piunce Arthur has returned to Canada from the United States, where he attended the final obsequies of Mr. Peabody on February 8. He was present at the opening of the Parliament of the Dominion at Ottawa, on February 15. The New Zealand Coiihissioners and Loud Granville. — Our colonial .affairs will, it is feared, give lis some trouble .this Session. The Commissioners from New Zealand deputed to this country to expostulate against the proposed withdrawal j of troops have been unable to extort from. Lord Granville any chauge in the decision he had come to. Indeed they were not authorised to accept of any compromise, and their return home may be the signal for a dispute] with the Colonial Government which may prove very unpleasant: Then, again, the refusal of the Canadian' Government to confirm the convention for the transfer of the Hudson Bay Territory, the Red River disturbances, and determination of the frontier of British Columbia and Alaska, all bid fair to perplex pur' colonial policy, and supply rather anxious topics of Parliamentary, discussion for the. ! coming Session. „ ' | New Zealand. — Colonel Maude, C.8 ., V.C., recently made a proposition to Eatl Granville to raise a Volunteer Force. for New Zealand, but has been referred by' his lordship to the Commissioners, Messrs. Bell and Featherston, who are now staying at Charing Cross Holel, and who, it is, i understood, have not been able to persuade' ! the Colonial Secretary to alter his decl-r sion in respect to the permanent .with- . [ drawal of troops from the colony, aud j other matters.