MR. FOX AT WANGANUI.

Hawke's Bay Herald, Volume 12, Issue 919, 22 February 1868, Page 3

MR. FOX AT WANGANUI.

Thk following is Mr. Pox's speech at the public dinner given in Ins honor at Wanganui:-— Mr. Fox rose amid great cneering, which having in a short time subsided, he said — Mr. Chairman and gentlemen, I desire to return you my sincere thanks for the kind and cordial manner in which you have drank my health. I had no right to expect to be received as I have been since I returned to New Zealand ; the reception is unmerited by me, but is not less appreciated on that account. You have been pleased, sir, to make reference to my exertions in the cause of the colony. I can only say that what I did was done heartily and to the best of my ability. When I first came to New. Zealand, with other emigrants, many of whom have since stood shoulder to shoulder with me and fought through a long political struggle many years ago— for we came out in 1842 — we were not only actuated by the natural idea of all emigrants of bettering our condition, but were animated by the romantic idea that we were to be the founders of a new country, which should be a superior country. We were not only excited by the Robinson Crusoe schoolboy notions of going to live on some lonely spot, monarchs of all we surveyed ; but we wished to raise in these southern seas a nation which should emulate in its political and social institutions those of the great land we had left. "We wished to found a Britain — the Britain of the South. It was very natural, then, that we should become politicians, and we commenced a series of struggles, in which some present besides myself took an active part, to free the colony from the trammels of its first existence, and to endeavour to obtain for it and establish a constitutional government similar to, if not better than that enjoyed by the parent state. All that I have done for the colony has been done not only from a sense of duty, such as must influence every great work, but it has been a labor of love. Since first I heard and wrote about New Zealand, and I wrote about it before I came out to the colony, I had an instinctive love for the country, and my labors in its behalf have been only following my own instinctive desires and pleasures, so that I do not deserve credit for what I have done. The circumstances at home, to which, sir, you have alluded, were of a somewhat similar character, and it was not only from a dry sense of duty that I was impelled to refute the malignant rumors and insinuations which were circulated through the press, and were in every man's mouth, and talked of at every hearthandhome throughoutthe land. The slanders which were hurled at us were outrageous. We were told that we were a bloodthirsty set of ruffians, who had drawn the British nation into an expensive war, that an army was employed to fight our battles for us, that we were too cowardly to fight ourselves, that we loved the army for the profit of it. When I found those statements believed by men at home, former friends, by whom I had been respected, I could not rest an hour on British soil without refuting those accusations. It was not by an appeal to public feeling or popular enthusiasm that this was to be done, not by using the subtle arguments of an astute lawyer, but by boldly stating the naked facts, and challenging our detractors to deny the statements ; and I may say with confidence that there was no attempt, or at all events no successful attempt to deny anything I had written. When the matter was laid honestly and faithfully before the British public, all classes admitted that we had been maligned and slandered, that "we were hard working colonists who had done our dutryyand that the people of one of the finest portions of the British dominions had been greatly wronged. Although my humble efforts in the colonists' defence may have assisted, yet this great revulsion of feeling was mainly brought about by the brilliant successes of our colonial forces. The gallant actions of our troops on the east and west coasts ; troops composed of, and commanded by our fellow colonists ; men who had never been instructed in military drill and discipline, these little bands of colonists followed the enemy into the thick bush and penetrated their mountain fastnesses, where the great British generals with 10,000 troops at their command, had said that it was not safe to go. The British public came to a knowledge of these facts from letters written by a correspondent to the London Times, and to whom the colonists are greatly indebted. I trust that in future we shall hear no more of these calumnies, and think that the people of England will be more cautious as to how they receive accounts from agents of the Aborigines Society and others, to the disparagement of the colony. The heavy expense which was attendant on the native war, opened the British mind for the reception of all those slanders and calumnies. John Bull is a very sensitive individual, and never more so than when his pockets are touched ; when he knew that a farthing or half-penny income-tax was being expended to pay the expense of a war which he was told was brought on and maintained for the gratification of a lot of selfish grasping colonists, he was ready to believe anything, however bad, that was said of us. A war that has been brought on and procrastinated solely by the conduct and mismanagement of Imperial officers was laid wholly at the door of those grasping colonists. And yet — inconsistent fellow that he is — ayearafterthathe is going into an Abyssinian war to maintain the prestige of the British name, and votes £2,000,000 to avenge the imprisonment of a few Englishmen. We have been badly used in the matter ; it was not the fault of the British nation ; but Ministers were anxious to get out of. the New Zealand •war in the best way they could, and would take any means to be rid of the expense incurred for a colony at an out of the way place at the other side of the world. However, I hope it is now at an end,, and that we shall never again have occasion to seek material aid from any quarter. (Cheers.) Mr. Fox rapidly sketched an account of his travels since he left^ the colony. He had been absent from New Zealand for three years, and during that time had visited many foreign lands and interesting places. Had visited the goldfields of Australia ; had spent six or seven weeks in Otago, and had seen with pleasure and surprise the rapid progress of Dunedin, and advance of the whole province. At Melbourne he was still more surprised to see that large and populous city, with fine public buildings, libraries, and institutions of all kinds, which denoted and distinguished a highly , civilised country. At Ceylon he saw the native Bhuddist temples, and many other curious things ; the whole island teemed with oriental luxury and magnificence, while everywhere was found of tropical luxuriance of vegetation, reminding one of the picture which Martin gives of the garden of Eden. From thence to India, we saw Bombay, Poonah, and other great cities, the grand Poonah railway with its enormous engines and huge trains. The iron road had brought civilisation and barbarism side by side, so that what a few years- "back were distinct nations, were now brought into communication, and men of /Various castes sat side by side in the same railway carriage. "Visited Mount Sinai, and saw the place where the Israel-

ites were said to have crossed the Red Sea, and the road by which they travelled from their captivity to the land of promise ; along that same track now runs a railway built by the eminent engineer, Robert Stephenson : thence across the Mediterranean on to Franco., and home, where we received a right cordial welcome and good old English hospitality. lv fact, they had to visit so many friends that they did not see half they could have wished or ought to have seen in England. After wintering in England, went to Switzerland, but could not visit Germany and north-eastern Europe on account of the great war which was then raging between Prussia and those countries. Afterwards crossed over to Egypt for the purpose of visiting that country, and Syria, so interesting to all biblical students, and finished off at the noble city of Damascus. Then to the cedars of Lebanon, where they travelled along a fine broad metalled road, in a French diligence drawn by six horses, then back again to Greece, Athens, Sicily, Rome, Paris, and home. No one, lam sure, could have ever enjoyed travel more we did. After remaining at home for some time, Mrs. Fox and myself sat down to consider. We did not like card-playing — we did not feel that we could pass away" our time in playing whist for sixpenny points with old dowagers at Bath ; we did not like the fashionable London life, and felt that our tastes were not suited to it. The political world was a charmed circle into which only a select few could enter, and. that by powerful influence, while large means were required to carry on contested elections. In philanthropic works, there are three men and women to do one's work, and very devoted and heroic people are they who do this work, spending their whole lives amid scenes of misery, vice, and destitution, in their efforts to alleviate sufferings and reclaim their fellow mortals. We felt that this was not our field of action ; we wanted to be colonists — not living in England correcting vice, but in this newer land, living amongst those who are enjoying social happiness, to strive in the grand work of raising our countiy in the social scale. We both felt that this was what we wanted, an instinctive feeling came over vs — we were homesick for the colonies, and sometimes a little breeze seemed to come wafted to us over the seas from our home in Rangitikei, that said " This is no my am hame." (Cheers.) Well then we packed up our portmanteau and here we are, and I hope that we shall long remain amongst you, good honest colonists, doing as a labor of love whatever we may be engaged in, striving heartily in what Bacon calls the heroic work of colonisation, in beginning institutions which are worked so successfully in Britain. And let us always remember, whatever political differences there may be amongst us, the great social duties that devolve upon us, let us always have them in mind, and we shall go on prospering in the great work that is before us. lam not so well accustomed to this kind of speaking, as I may be when perhaps advancing a resolution, or speaking on a platform, and can hardly do justice to myself without touching for a few moments on political questions. I observe that there has been an enquiry whether politics were to be excluded on this occasion, still, although there may be many present who differ with me on points of policy, I feel that I should not be acting a manly part did I not on this, which I may consider as my first public appearance in New Zealand, since my return from Europe, enunciate a summary of those broad political principles, which I have always held, and which will guide my conduct should I happen on a future occasion to take an active part in the affairs of the colony. It is at the same time to be borne in-mind, that for the last three years the views which I have received of the politics of the colony, have been derived from letters and newspapers, which information was often meagre and very contradictory, so that I consider myself not well up, and cannot be expected to express very decided opinions on the greatquestions of the day. Icanonly state broadprinciples, the details of which I may possibly afterwards see occasion to change. One of my first works in New Zealand, was to assist in obtaining, and which you, sir, helped in gaining, after a very long and arduous strnggle, the inestimable gift of representative institutions. I adhere firmly to the general principles of the constitution of 1852. I approve of a General Government and Provincial Institutions, believing firmly that they are peculiarly adapted to this colony, provided provision is made for separation oy Provincial Governments, and for union by the General Government. The framing of the constitution' of 1853, was a most wise and sagacious one, and is eminently suited to the geographical nature of the country. The separation by nature of the colony into different islands, the long seaboards and dividing mountain ranges, show that it could not be so well governed from any one point, as under the present system. That there are imperfections in that constitution I do not deny. The voice of that feat legislator and statesman, William wart Gladstone, was raised in exception on one of the most important points of the constitution, and it would have been well had he been listened to ; we should then have avoided many of the bitter struggles which have taken place between centralists and provincialists. What he showed was, that an over-riding power was given to the central government over the provincial governments. There are thirteen subjects on which the General Government only can vote ; and what Mr. Gladstone held was, that the power thus given must lead to conflict and confusion unless the General Government were restricted to voting only on those thirteen subjects. If that were done, the constitution would work harmoniously and smoothly, while now all was jumble and confusion. It is the policy of the General Government to divide provincialists, and then ride rough-shod over them. I have always been a thorough and devoted provincialist, and I firmly believe that the salvation of the colony depends on the right working of the Constitution Act, as far as regards the provincial institutions. Still, I do not wrap xnj'self up in my garment and refuse to look further, or to be shown where I may be in error. There are new circumstances which are bringing about a new set of things, and creating a revolution in the country. We have a treat population, attracted by our goldelds, coming from a country widely differing from ours. This large population is still increasing, and they have political rights which must be respected. Another province which, when I left, was suffering great depression from being hotly engaged in a bitter war with the natives, there I now find peace restored, the war crushed out and trodden under foot by our brave colonial troops, and the natives, in so far as can be discerned, loyal and obedient subjects. Other provinces are in financial difficulties, the end of which no one can see. In one province it pains me to see the colonists, bowed under the weight of their difficulties, appear ready to abandon their political rights to anyone who will relieve them. This, I say, is not the part of great men, who should rather suffer under present difficulties than submit to degradation. However much I may be in favor of provincialism,— and I believe it not impossible to restore the federal charac-

ter of the Constitution — still I may be ! prepared to supplement the provincial institutions, adding where anything is defective — not to sweep them away, but to sup-ply-whatever is wanting in them to meet the growing necessities of the colony. There are men in other provinces who are fighting against provincial institutions — and who are they ? There are men who have eve.r oppressed representative institutions in any shape, and I warn you against them, for if they gain their point, they will hand over the colony bound hand and foot to the colonial office. There is another point on which I was at variance with some — the Native question. I have been accused by the press and others of inconsistency in the part I took in the question of the two great native wars, the Waitara and Waikato. When the Waitara war broke out, I belonged to what is called the peace-at-any-price party, and yet in two years from that time I was urging Sir George Grey to a vigorous prosecution of the Waikato war. Yet there was no inconsistency in this, as I will endeavor to explain. It was my belief, as well as that of many others at the time, that the natives had been wronged in the matter of the Waitara purchase, that Governor Browne had made a great mistake, and we were determined that the question should be re-opened and justice done them. I took office under Governor Browne but almost without hope of being able to do any good in the matter. Manyoffers were made to the natives to submit the matter to arbitration, which they as often refused, and when on the 4th of May they drew the sword against us and attacked Lieut. Taggart and his party, then we knew that they meant to try strength with the British power, and that they must by a severe lesson be taught obedience or they would exterminate us. My native policy is summed up in a few words — when the natives are right, support them, and when they are in the wrong, reduce them to subjection. I hold that there is no inconsistency in this. The men who call me inconsistent are so themselves. The grand point is, the natives must be dealt with as other British subjects ; they must be made to live in subjection to British laws. Should I again be actively engaged in politics, those will be the rules which will guide my conduct. (Cheers) I will now refer to the financial question. My once friend, though I suppose I must now call him my political enemy, Mr. Fitzherbert, has gone home as the representative of this question. I have no intention to enter into detail, or to speak of the subject further than this —by no amount of stock-jobbing, or working the oracle on the stock exchange, can you get out of the fact that you owe \ seven millions ; you have got it to pay ; there it is a millstone round your neck. \ It matters not whether the stock is bought by any Smiths, or Browns, or Jones's, or by the stockbrokers Rothschild or Baring, you can only escape by paying principal and interest. I believe it will be the best thing that can happen the colony, for our credit to be so bad that we can't borrow another sixpence. I wish to clear myself of an imputation which has been cast on the ministry of 1854, to which I had the honor to belong, with reference to the three million loan. Mr. Fitzherbert says we spent it, and in his neat way adds, "after a scatterer comes a gatherer." Well, the Domett ministry, which we succeeded, gathered an army of 5000 men and a fleet of nine steamers, and had left us as a legacy a harassing and expensive war. The parliament empowered us to borrow £3000,000, of which we, the scatterers, spent £1,200,000, and the gatherers, who followed, the other £1,800,000. When we went out of office, Mr. Fitzherbert told us and the public, that we had overdrawn our bank account £800,000, and there was nothing to pay it with, except the three million loan. It is true that the New Zealand Bank had allowed us to overdraw, well knowing that there was £1,000,000 ready to be taken up by their London agent when they pleased. Mr. Fitzherbert did not put the thing fairly. What we did, and the money we expended, was not done by us, but by the united wisdom of the House of Representatives, and we had to carry on a native war fit to swamp a colony much larger and more powerful than this. Look upon the constitution in any way you like, and turn it as you will it is a democratic constitution — not republican . lam a devoted and loyal British subject, and I believe in a monarchial government. I believe that form of government has aided materially in the present advancement and prosperity of Great Britain, and I also believe in a constitution which gives every man a voice in the affairs of the nation. I have studied carefully the constitution, and the state of affairs in America, and I believe she is not a falling nation, and that she has never stood in a prouder position than at the present time. She has just concluded the mightiest civil war that ever took place in the history of the world, I and she has done what no other nation ever did before — finished a civil war without establishing a military despotism. Herein is thewn the strength of a democratic constitution. Look at her in bygone times, when she was a contemptible British colony, with 40,000 or 50,000 inhabitants. Now she is prosperous and increasing, with a population of over thirty millions. She can hold her own in the face of all the great powers of Europe, and her flag is respected wherever it goes. There are, no doubt, faults in our Government and our rulers, and there always will be faults ; there will be faulty superintendents and faulty road boards ; but I would tell you of one thing, the General Government are doing all they can to draw attention to faults in provincial governments; but I am confident if you have one central government you will have a worse master. I am in favor of democratic institutions. The country does not belong to the sheepfarmer, or any one class ; the country belongs to the people. I hope to live and die a good democrat, doing all I can for the advancement and prosperity of the people." Mr. Fox said he had no other points to notice, unless any gentleman knew of anything he omitted, or would like to question him upon anything he had not made clear. A Voice: What about the Town Board? Mr. Fox said when he left Wanganui, it was a dirty little sandy town, almost without streets, and hardly a decent shop, and no such thing as a plate glass window to be seen, and he returned to find a fine comfortable town, with well-kept streets, good stores, shops, and well-built dwellinghouses in abundance. He thought that upon the question of the Town Board, he might say they had done their duty in the matter. Mr. Fox then returned his sincere thanks to the meeting for the cordial manner in which they had drank to his health, and assured them he would do all in his power for their welfare and prosperity. Mr. Fox sat down amid prolonged applause.