HAWKE'S BAY MONTHLY SUMMARY FOR ENGLAND AND THE AUSTRALIAN COLONIES, OCTOBER, 1862.

Hawke's Bay Herald, Volume 6, Issue 332, 8 November 1862, Page 4

HAWKE'S BAY MONTHLY SUMMARY FOR ENGLAND AND THE AUSTRALIAN COLONIES, OCTOBER, 1862.

Immediately after the prorogation of the General Assembly His Excellency paid a .visit to Otaki and Wanganui. Both visits are pronounced by the New Zealander, the organ of the government, to have been attended with satisfactory results; but the colonists generally regard with contempt all such semi-official statements. In their opinion both visits were attended with the most humiliating circumstances — calculated to degrade the British name in the eye of the natives and to hasten the very catastrophe which Sir George Grey is so perseveringly auxious to avert. His Excellency's object would appear to be conciliation at auy price; with this view he is unwearied in his exertions and patient beyond all belief; but it would appear as if the greater the effort on the part of the Governor, the more determined are the misguided natives to repudiate the Queen's sovereignty and to uphold the "crowu and dignity" of their so-called king. They desire a separate nationality — a Maori kingdom, with the European settlers in a subservient position ; and, to judge from their arrogant tone and lawless conduct, they feel confidence in their strength, and in the ultimate realization of their cherished scheme. Hitherto the Government has done nothing to check this movement, beyond a series of abject applications to the native chiefs, accompanied by bribes for good behaviour in the shape of salaries as assessors &c. — all of which, if patiently listeued to, have been thoroughly despised by the astute natives. A firm and decided tone on the part of the Government might have accomplished much ; but the course pursued by His Excellency and ministers has .given the rebel natives renewed confidence -and has, we fear, hastened the day when the Queen's sovereignty, if not the integrity of the colony, will have to be upheld *by the strong arm.

As an illustz'ation of the tone assumed by the king natives towards the Governor, we quote the followiug from an account of His Excellency's visit to Otaki — originally repriuted from the New Zealand Advertiser in the Herald of the 14th ult. : —

On the 15th September, His Excellency the Governor (through W. H. Buller, Esq.) sent the following message to the king natives assembled at Tainui, Otaki : — " Send me the Maori king flag, cut down the flagstaff, discontinue your present king work, and let all the king's people come into the town, that I may see you and talk to you, for I will not go to Tainui.

Upon receipt of this message. Heremia te Tihi, addressing Mr. Buller, said:— "We refuse: we will never give the Maori king flag to the Governor ; we will never cut down the flagstaff ; we will never discontinue our woz'k ; and we will not go into the town to meet the Governor. If he (the Governor) will not come here, let him remain ; we are satisfied."

Wirenm E Tako was then asked by Mr. Buller for his reply, and he (E Tako) being urged to answer, said : —

" Listen to me, friend Buller : it is now only that I understand and have found out the strength and importance of the king movement and the ■weakness of the Queen's Government. Let the Governor come here to Tainui. and let us discuss all my proceedings in this new work."

After some trouble Wi Tako was induced to come half way to meet His Excellency. The chief attended with about 600 followers. His Excellency made no impression whatever on Wi Tako, who announced himself as "strong, energetic, and earnest in upholding the Maori king and the king movement."

The result of His Excellency's visit to Wanganui would appear to have been equally unsatisfactory. The Chronicle states, " That so far as the Government natives are concerned His Excellency's visit may have been the means of strengthening their loyalty, but that amongst the King natives there seems to be a determination to assert their independence, based on their power to do so ; and, further, that the general feeling exists, even amongst those not connected with the Waikato movement, not to admit of the Queen's supremacy." And from the same journal we learn that "on Tuesday, 28th September, the Governor received a letter from Amarama, the principal fighting chief of the Wanganui tribes — a warrior of considerable renowu, forbidding him to ascend the river." On the same afternoon

His Excellency left on his return to Wellington !

The case of the wrecked mail steamer "Lord Worsley" still engages public attention, not merely in this but in the neighbouring colonies. Although the circumstances attending this ill-fated occurrence have already appeared in the columns of the Herald, we may be excused for extracting from a late number of the Southern Cross the following reliable statement of the treatment experienced at the hands of the natives by the shipwrecked crew and passengers : —

Oq the morning of the Ist September, the Lord Worsley was stranded, and at daylight the passengers and crew got off in safety to the shore near a settlement of " friendly " natives. These natives invited the shipwrecked people into their houses, when they saw there was canvas ready to erect tents, and for the use of their miserable wJiares for three nights, they were mulcted in £28 10s. These "friendly" natives informed the shipwrecked people that they must not send a letter to town except by permission, and on payment of whatever might be demanded. The "friendly" natives in the meantime went on board the wreck, and searched the vessel with dx-awn swords. A sentry with a drawn sword was placed in the cabin ; everything of value they took a fancy for was taken possession of, and what they thought of little or no use they wantonly destroyed. Books and papers were thrown over the sides. These " friendly " natives, while thus engaged exercising the right of search, behaved in the most domineering manner to the white men on board. They treated the seamen as slaves, ordering them to fetch tea, sugar, coffee, or bread, while they were pleased to regale themselves. The Englishmen literally served the " ruffianly freebooters " with bated breath, under the tomahawk ; and no man can realise the humiliating position of these unarmed and defenceless Britons except those who were eyewitnesses of, and participants in, both the danger and the degradation. Captain Bowden's declaration, which is appended to Mr. Robt. Graham's statement, speaks of the violence and barbarism of the savages, and the danger to which the Europeans on board were exposed. Can the truth of that declaration be gainsayed? And the gentleman who was left in charge one night, on board the wreck, in company with the natives — Mr. Muirhead — came on shore the next morning, and declared that he had been so badly used by the "friendly" natives that he would not take £1000 and spend another night in the vessel. While these proceedings were taking place on boai-d the vessel, the fate of the Europeans was being debated on shore. The natives evidently looked upon the unhappy Europeans as fair objects for torture and gain. The lives of all, it was hinted, might be taken, therefore it was best to abandon everything, throw themselves upon the generosity of their captors, and get into New Plymouth if possible. But for the firmness and judgment of Mr. Robert Graham and Captain Butler, we do not believe one of the passengers or crew of the Lord Worsley would have escaped with life. Let those journalists who lauded the Maoris for their treatment of the Europeans cast on their shores, read Mr. Graham's narrative, and say whether they do not blush for the degradation to which men of their own race have been subjected at the hands of untamed men, who owe all the good they possess in life to the generosity of the British people. If they do not, they are unworthy the name of Englishmen. Mr. Graham writes : —

" About two a.m., next morning, I heard Arama " Karaka outside speaking very excited. I called "him into the house and asked what was the "matter; he said his heart was dark, that we " would all he made prisoners in the morning ; " that we were all going to the Wliare-Jiere-here "(prison.) He left to join W. Kingi. I got up " and went to the flax where they were sitting. "They soon commenced their talk. They first " said, ' "Why did the captain destroy the powder ? ' '"Why was the gun hidden amongst the coals?' " ' Why be deceitful to us ? ' " Then Mr. Graham began to apologise, to flatter, to propitiate. The strong, and as he proved himself, the brave man, was forced to beg for his life, and for the lives and safety of English women and men at the hands of a savage rabble. Mr. Graham supplies the language he used, which we decline to quote ; but we hold that it is a disgraceful state of things when a British subject, in au English colony, for no offence, but in defiance of all law and justice, and of every usage among civilised men, is forced to plead in such terms for his own and his companions' safety. One native actually became insane from his inflammatory efforts ; and when such was the ease with one, it must have needed but a little spark to kindle the passions of the lawless mob. Eventual^, when the Europeans were permitted to go, their properties were not scrupulously respected. Captain Bowden, when leaving for New Plymouth, picked up some valuable books, among which was a Bible, but he waa forced, to relinquish them on account of the exorbitant demands made for payment. Mr. Graham's private papers were taken out and destroyed, and his boots and clothes confiscated. The worst of all was that the Europeans dared not remonstrate, or their progress would have been at once stopped. They were plundered and menaced with impunity.

It will scarcely be credited by the English reader that up to this day no notice has been taken by the Government of these events — certainly no action has been taken. The natives exult in the impunity with which they have plundered a mail steamer and maltreated the passeugers, and would no doubt calculate upon equal immunity from penal consequences had murder been added to robbery and illusage. We are glad to perceive that the Sydney Morning Herald takes up the subject with its able pen, and shews in a very serious light . the consequences of

such a state . of things. We subjoin the article referred to, which appears in the issue of September 30, u^der the head of " The Maori Kingdom."

The wreck of the Lord Worsley has added not the least to the long list of shipping disasters which have been associated with the name of New Zealand from the days of Tasman. We may congratulate the civilised world that, however feeble and uncertain, a ray of civilisation has penetrated the savage mind, and that, at all events, the late colonial policy has not wholly eradicated salutary fear. We may well shudder to reflect what would have. been the case in the absence of a few well disposed and resolute chiefs who, from humanity or less unselfish considerations, restrained their countrymen from violence. They allowed the passengers to escape not only with their lives, but also with their personal baggage. It is true we are not disposed to fall into a lit of profound admiration, and to praise the New Zealandera as if they had manifested a high style of virtue. Except that they abstained from personal violence, we fail to discover anything that we might not have expected from a barbarous people. It is not commonly the case that even, savages, unless exasperated by ill-usage, injure the persons of strangers. These natives have been under the instruction of missionaries for the last forty years. Enormous sums have been expended for their benefit. They have been in personal contact with civilisation, in its more perfect forms, for a quarter of a century. They have been visited by the Governor, and they have visited him. They have met us in war and in peace. We are therefore not carried away with profound admiration that they should not have dabbled in blood.

Let us, therefore, look at the facts as subjects of the crown, and people who recognise the law of nations, as these facts come out in the statement of Messrs. Hall and Bowden. Cast upon the reef they escaped to the shore, and occupied some empty dwellings. For these they were charged a high rent, which undoubtedly it was within the province of the natives to demand. They were entitled, for any service or for any supplies, to fix their own price. We may call it exacting ; we may be disgusted with their avarice, but nevertheless there are other peoples beside the Maories who are prepared to take advantage of opportunity, and to make the misfortunes of their neighbours a harvest to themselves.

But the ship bore the British flag. It was wrecked upon the Queen's territories. Her own subjects seized the property thus cast upon their shores — demanding the ammunition and arms as the rights of their chiefs— carrying off the signal gun in triumph as a trophy of war— interdicting the captain from exercising the rights of property over the ship, or removing anything from it not considered to be personal property. They interdicted the access of the magistrates to the relief of their own countrymen, and levied an enormous fine, or whatever it is to be called, at their own caprice, as the condition of the release of the passengers. It is hardly possible to read the story of fines, tolls, poll tax, &c, without some risibility mingling with one's indignation. Did they take us for Chinese ? The notions of these Maori statesmen of the means of raising the wind would be a fortune to any civilised treasurer could they be only as easily enforced. The question remains — What is to be done ? In this case, perhaps fortunately— perhaps otliemise — the ship is English property, and the insult and wrong are done to English subjects. It may be the policy of the New Zealand administration, acting under instructions from home, to treat this as another of those misadventures to be regarded as the sallies of native indiscretion, and as affording an exercise of British patience. But supposing it had been a vessel of any other country 1 Suppose it had been a French ship 1 Are we to imagine that the French government would have permitted such villanies to pass without enquiring what were the precise relations of the nag of England to the territory of New Zealand 1 We imagine that the French Minister would have demanded to know precisely whether the land drawn out on the map as subject to the sway of Great Britain was really a Maori territory, subject only to a capricious and savage government? If the first were the case, England would have to compensate for the destruction of property, and to punish the authors of all that terror and that injury which have been recorded by our correspondents. In the other case we cannot doubt that the French government would find the means of punishing the savages. They would make short work of Wiremu Kingi and his Maori law. If no other course were possible, the flag of France would soon be found where the flag of England dare not show itself, and justly too. It becomes important for every merchant who traverses those seas to know under what conditions he approaches the inhospitable coasts, whether greater dangers await him than unfriendly winds and treacherous rocks. It may be the duty of Her Majesty's government to reconsider the policy of maintaining the sovereignty over territories where English law cannot penetrate, and where its pretended action is a source of so much irritation and danger. We all knoi&what was done when Algiers sent out its corsairs to prey upon the merchantman of England. We paid tribute until, in a fit of national pride, we sent Lord Exmouth to bombard the Dey in his own palace. But the natives have white apologists, who, while they have no influence upon their conduct, have intercepted the natural policy of a great power for the establishment of its authority over all who receive its protection. It may, however, be deemed desirable that we should recede from our claims upon the native territory — that the Queen should acknowledge the rival monarchy—thab " the Gnte of the King " should be the limits of her Government, and that she should enter into treaties so as to determine before hand on what terms our vessels may navigate those waters, or seek shelter upon those now unfriendly shores. No commerce or intercourse can be satisfactory that has to arrange itself upon every emergency, and to be settled by the arbitrary oovetousness of one of the parties. It would be better for every flag that sails on those waters to pay its small insurance against pillage to the Maori king, as we paid the same kind of tribute to the Algerine barbarians. It may be cheaper than a native war. It will highly gratify the native pride to receive an Ambassador from, the

court of St. James, charged to negotiate the peace and to settle the tariff. A new Cobderi might find a sphere worthy of his genius, for it would be a far more difficult thing to settle the terms of intercourse between the British population and the subjects of the Maori king, than to define the relations and to guarantee the commerce of England and France. «"

Some of our readers may perhaps think that this is an extravagant proposition — that it would he condescending too far — that the English power is not yet reduced to this necessity. Let them, then point out by what means we are to prevent its repetition, or to recover compensation for the wrong just done. We know of none. The natives have carried to the utmost their claims of independence. They have defied, with the most contemptuous insolence, even the most limited exercise of the Royal authority. They have robbed British subjects of a vessel of great value, and extracted a ransom from those who were cast upon their shores. We are not aware what more they can do, unless without any provocation or immediate profit, they murder or punish with total confiscation those who touch upon the territory they have conquered.

In the case of unhappy Taranaki oothing has yet been done. The farms of many of the settlers, for which Crown Grants have long been issued, are now occupied by the natives, who profess to do so as conquerors in the late war, and who are permitted by the Government thus to exclude the owners. The Taranaki settlers have set a wonderful example of patience and long suffering ; but it would appear from an article in a late Taranaki Herald, which we subjoin, that they cannot stand it much longer. Situated as they are, we should not be surprised at any step they might take : —

The language held by the delegates from the king's runanga of Warea on their recent visit to town will not have surprised the people of Taranaki. However odd it may sound to other people, to us use has made it a second nature to be told that we are not again to live upon our own land. On the occasion spoken of, one of our settlers said to Reweti, " I am going back to live on my farm." Eeweti answered, ''No, you must not." " Yes, lam going." " No, you must not." " Why, is the land yours 7 " To which his answer was, " Are the houses standing on it ? " " No, for you burnt them." Reweti : " Well, then, the land is miue." " But some of them are still standing." Keweti : " Exactly ; we left them as a lodging for ourselves." This is explicit ; and though it does not surprise us it may induce us to reconsider our position. On the one hand, we have a Governor who tells us, as often as we ask what he will do for us, that he has our welfare at heart — which, when not reduced to practice, is somewhat vague; and on the other hand, we have Maori neighbours who prohibit us from, again occupying and using our farms — which is definite enough. For whether we look upon these threats and prohibitions as mere bombast or not, does not much matter, because the fact remains that we are not in occupation of our land and dare not spend money or labour on it. And if it is true that Sir George Grey's plans are really so profound that they are never to be brought to light, we shall have to act as if they did not exist. The question for us is, are we to continue pensioners of the government and objects of mild commiseration to the rest of the colony for au indefinite period, however long, or shall we take our fate into our own hands, as far as possible, and say that after a certain time we will decide for ourselves, and do what we decide on ? Whatever we do must be done unitedly — by the whole community ; or, if this is not possible,, by a large portion of it — if we want to make ourselves heard. Hysterical cries will not help us, not such spasmodic efforts as have been made hitherto. But if once we resolved, as a whole people, to take one settled course we should get much more attention paid us by Sir George Grey than we ever received yet. Let us always bear in mind, if fate compels, that while we have courage and life,

'Tis not too late to seek a newer world.

There are places in the South Island where we should be received willingly, and where, still members of the same body politic, we might found a new Taranaki without the nightmare on us of a native question, which, as it seems, those who could, dare not face, and those who dare, may not.

— It is reported that His Excellency intends to visit Taranaki before his return to Wellington, expected to be in three months, and rumours are also rife to theeffect that something will, shortly be done to relieve the settlers from the disgraceful state of thraldom in which they are held. We trust it may be so, but we see nothing, in the acts of the Government to lead us to hope for any decided course of action.

Sir George Grey left Wellington in H. M.S. Harrier on the 10th October^ and arrived in Auckland on the 16th.

We turn from the Native question, about which nothing satisfactory can be said, ta the gold fields of the South and North, aud. to the rapid advances in material prosperity which are being made in the Middle Island. The Otago gold fields are attracting a large population from all parts of theworld, and mineral wealth is being developed to a great extent. The Coromandel diggings, though of a wholly different character to those of the South, give goodly promise of a rich quartz field and. of adding largely to the resources of the Colony. On the whole, but. for. the Na-