THE APRIL MAIL.

Hawke's Bay Herald, Volume 2, Issue 93, 2 July 1859, Page 3

THE APRIL MAIL.

We extract the following able comments on the news by the April mail, from the "Sydney Morning Herald," of the ISth inst. : — The news by the telegraph in our issue of yesterday is just what rmglii nave been expected. The , whole course oL' events for the last twelve months has pointed to a continental war. The attitude of Sardinia towards Austria—the language of the Pans press— the speech of the Emperor 01 the French in reference to tne policy of Austria in Italy — the active organization of the French army — tne distnuutiou and force of the French navy : ail these put together, indicate the solemnity of the crisis. I'lie hostile Cabinets — for mui-Ii ttiey have long been—have a tas*. of some delicacy, it is of primary- importance to tho rulers who appeal to the sword, that publicopinion should go witu them; not only the opinions of t lie Press — which, indeed, they can direct, control, or overawe — but the secret judgment of the thinking world. War im- . plies not only the sacrifice of thousands of lives, it Includes a series of events which may jeopardise thrones and overturn dynasties. The eoniiagration kindled in Italy will inevitably light up a blaze in Germany, it will spread to the distant north, and, ultimately, affect the nitereaij of every

State. Those who throw the first fire-brand -will bear an awful weight of responsibility. i The last intelligence seems to have left Europe i in that solemn pause when nations stand in silent awe, watching the movement of the balance in which are weighed, against ambition and resentment, the lives of men and the peace of the world. Will the interest of humanity prevail ? Will discussion, mediation, mutual accommodation, "turn the sword into a ploughshare, and the spear into a pruning-hook ? " What says history? Do we find in its pages any example of nations prepared for war embracing peace? Italy, the land to j which was given "the fatal gift of beauty" — Italy is the prize ; and will those who aspire to the possession forego or relinquish it. The measures reported to be taken by Austria shew the tendency, of events. When a Government seizes the bullion of a bank it strikes a blow at its own credit, which nost satesman would venture but with a prospect of immediate war. There can be no commercial influx of gold after this j seizure by the State. This violence must lead j every man to lodge his money anywhere rather than in the public coffers. We do not say that this step indicates weakness, because when a great blow is to be struck it may be policy to grasp any means at hand to make it effectual ; but then it seems to imply that the time for negociation is past, that the reliance of the State is no longer on ordinary resources, and that war is at the door. What, then, will be the policy of England ? No doubt statesmen of evei'y class are anxious to avert the war. It can only appear as a "calamity and an obstruction to any class of politicians. Ifc will impose upon England the necessity for great naval and military preparations. When our neighbour's house is on fire we are obliged to look to the safety of our own. This preparation for war will impose additional burdens on every British dependency, because, while we are entitled to the protection which the general defence of the empire may secure to every part of it, we must yet bear the cost of especial defences. Thus, a war .in Europe will afl'ect the security and wellbeing of every British subject from pole to pole. Can we doubt then that our Government will wish, if possible, to prevent a war. But then is it possible for England to keep out of a continental war ? For some time it may be so, but first she must make up her mind to permit the French to dominate in Italy. If Austria is driven out by the French army, Italy will only have changed masters. A national life cannot be created in a day. Italy has never possessed an independent national government since the fall of the Roman Empire. Its numerous states, some Itimes the centres of art, of commerce, of municipal liberty have never formed a homogenous whole. They will be incapable, but under the pressure of some superior power, to preserve an organization necessary to the development of a national custom. There is, however, this to say for the French, that they will carry with them the science, the mechanical skill, the refinement of the age, in their most perfect forms — everything but personal liberty. It is notorious, that deplorable as were the consequences of French occupation, und,ir the First Napoleon, it scattered many abuses and left behind the seeds of a higher civilization. It is clear that Lord Palmerston will not support the Austrian rule in Italy, and we imagine that no other statesman will patronise that dom- | inntion. It may thus happen that England, having no strong sympathy with either party, will be able to maintain a strict neutrality, and if the struggle shall be short, we may escape unscathed. But can a long continental war take place and England be unaffected ? How many circumstances may happen to embroil her ; how many family interests and traditional obligations tend to draw in the European powers, however inclined to neutrality. Austria and Prussia cannot, indeed, claim our succour ; for Austria and Prussia both evaded the Kussisn war, but would England sea with indifference our ancient allies succumb. It is here our danger exists — not so much as between Austria and France, not for any great value wo set on the prize for which these Powers combat, but the all but inevitable involvement of other Powers in whose stability we two concerned, and the numeroxis points of contact which are always in danger of becoming points of collision.