The Hawera Star. FRIDAY, OCTOBER 2, 1925. ITALY UNDER MUSSOLINI,

Hawera Star, Volume XLV, 2 October 1925, Page 4

The Hawera Star.

FRIDAY, OCTOBER 2, 1925. ITALY UNDER MUSSOLINI,

Delivered every evening by 5 o’clock *b Hawera, Manaia, Normanby, Okaiawa, Eltham, Mangatoki, Kaponga, Alton, Hurleyville, -JPatea, Waverley, Mokoia, Whakamara, Obangai, Meremere, SVaaer Road, an Ararata.

“Democratic by instinct . : autocratic in temper . . dictator by accident.” That is how Sir Philip Gibbs, distinguished British journalist, sums up the political creed and present position of Benito Mussolini, great high priest of Italian Fascism. In view of the space which the cable news has been devoting t.o an examination of the. present Mate of Italy, an article which Sir Philip contributes to a recent number of The World To-day is particularly timely. In- his opinion Fascism has undoubtedly increased the prestige, of Italy abroad, while tits methods and its leader are viewed with a sneaking admiration by certain classes in other countries. For instance, there are those who, “fearful lest their own people should yield to the dreadful lure of Bolshevism . . . have start-

ed a branch of British Fascisti, supported by Conservative clergymen, nervous women and retired colonels.” Sir Philip Gibbs, who is obviously not very scared of Britain going over to Communism, interprets Fascism as ‘.‘a reaction against the indiscipline and class conflict which followed war in all countries.” Also, he sees in it a

hark back to instincts and principles

of . benevolent despotism which have not been destroyed by democratic progress, and 1 lie claims that this reaction against the rule of democracy may be traced even in the United States, where “the Ku Klux Klan upholds intolerance. as a patriotic virtue and advocates tyranny as the best form of government.” A careful weighing of the evidence seems to indicate, however, that while the mentality of Mussolini and his “Black Shirts” is not an isolated phenomenon in the world to-day, it was possibly most necessaiy as au antidote to anarchy, as it has been most complete and effective, in Italy. That anarchy was itself the first reaction from war, as Fascism is the second. “Italy,” we are reminded, “caught the war fever, rushed to the colours with wild enthusiasm, marched to the frontiers in a tide of gallant youth, .dreamed gr,eat. dreams of victory and of rewards which should restore some of her old Imperial power.” But war has been a mocker ever, and Italy suffered disillusionment. She was shouldered out when the spoils were apportioned at Versailles, and the general opinion, in the country was that she had come off very badly. Then it was that many ex-soliliers remembered the words of the Communists and extreme Socialists when the country went to war: “You will be massacred and mutilated, and afterwards —betrayed.” For a brief period Communism seemed to be in the ascendant, but the failure attending the seizure of the factories brought it to public ridicule. Had its first move been successful there is no telling what the outcome might have been, but the spirit of revolution was broken by the, failure of the factory experiment. Now thousands of young men, who had been at heart as hostile to authority as the Reds themselves, decided to use their methods of direct action against the Communists, instead of with them. Parliamentary government, impotent and without the respect of tlio nation, was ignored in thestruggle; and Mussolini came forward to lead the counter-revolution. But the strangest part of the whole story is the history of Mussolini’s owu beliefs, in the telling of which he stands revealed as a master opportunist. Before the war he was an advanced Socialist. From the beginning of the war he was an ardent champion of Italy’s intervention on the side of the Allies. At first after the. war he was a. Republican on the side of revolution. And in 1921 he turned his coat yet. again to match the Conservative and Monarchist enthusiasm which overwhelmed the mass of the. people. Sir Philip Gibbs sets out ' this final change in all its nakedness of political adaptability. “Addressing a great gathering in Naples, he [Mussolini] mentioned the name of the, King with the beginning of a contemptuous sentence. But the King’s name was received with an immense outburst of cheering from the Neapolitans. From that moment Mussolini abandoned Republicanism and became the defender of monarchy, and the champion of Italian, Imperialism,” What: have been the fruits of Fascism? “Italy, under Mussolini, is the most perfect example of a nation dedicated or coerced to the service of the State. . . . The old Labour organisations may still carry on and discuss claims to higher wages, and other trade interests, but their Fascist 'representatives, obeying orders from their Fascist chief, see that- the discussions are purely academic and do not permit any strike or direct action to enforce the claims. Parliament may still prattle, recommend new bills, give, expert advice, discuss philosophical ideas, but the State, which is Mussolini, dictates, and must be obeyed. There is only one method of co-operation with the Fascist State, and that is by obedience. All who criticise will be treated as enemies by the Fascist militia, who will pour castor-oil down their throats, or beat them into pulp with sticks, or murder them.” And the remarkable thing is that “the majority of every class upholds this system with enthusiastic allegiance to its ideals and leadership,” although it is noteworthy that the enthusiasm is not quite, so marked now as previously. And the future 1 ? That is in the lap of the gods, but the shadow of disaster is strong upon Sir Philip Gibbs’s observation: “There are ugly things behind this mask of a united natiou,' rather terrible things beneath the surface of law and order, a yawning gulf at the feet, of Mussolini himself.” No man, however powerful, however popular, can trample freedom underfoot for ever—and that is what the Italian-dic-tator is doing. If lie awakes to the danger before it is too late, he may lift; his country back to the rails of orderly progress. If lie does not awake —but that will be for the historians to write. His despotism may be benevolent,- but he remains a despot, and, as Gibbs says, there is something better. “With all its faults, the Parliamentary system, with a free speech and a free Press, works well among orderly peoples. It has a series of safetyvalves for letting off hot air and political passion. It does not sit on the lid of boiling pots. It expresses roughly, but) with fair compromise on the whole, the will of the people: as it changes from time to time. . . The Italian experiment is one, to avoid as long as Parliaments have some influence on national opinion, and as long as constitutional Governments can secure law and older by their own military and police, with the consent of the majority of their citizens. When this is impossible., then Mussolini and his like may have their innings, though the game is hazardous. ’.’