DOMINIONS’ VOICE.

Hawera Star, Volume XLVIII, 11 August 1924, Page 7

DOMINIONS’ VOICE.

INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCES CANADA’S PROTESTS.

Recently the Canadian Government has again raised the issue with the British Government over Canada’s separate representation at international conferences. A few weeks ago the correspondence between the two Governments concerning the ratification of the Lausanne Treaty with Turkey brought about a distinct and serious division of opinion between Ottawa and London. Later Canada, returned to the argument over the question of the representative of the Dominion at the Allied Conference now sitting in London. The point was settled, for thetime being only, by the provision of a British Empire Conference panel from which members would take a chair in turn at the conference table, other panel delegates being spectators. The issue, however, bids fair to recur on every possible occasion in the future, and is of first-class importance to the Empire. How anxiously the British Government views it is shown by the speech in the House of Commons by the Prime Minister (Mr. Ramsay MacDonald) on June 7 last, on the subject of the Canadian protests. Mr. MacDonald, replying in a debate which was initiated by Sir Edward Grigg, and in which the late Undersecretary for Foreign Affairs (Mr. Ronald McNeilh and Mr. Lloyd George took part, said: “I cannot say that 1 have any grievances with Canada The only thing, I think everybody will admit —and Mr. Mackenzie King would regret this a« much as I do —is that there has been a lack of clear, definite statement. If it had been known from the beginning that the dominions really object to what was proposed, it would have given the Government of the day an opportunity to reconsider its decision. I think there was more politeness than definitej ness in the opening movements of the i game. Then we find that stage after stage is reached, and the position becomes more and more defined, but it reveafs itself at points when it is impossible to go back and rectify any mistakes that have been made. That is a. criticism which I make in the most friendly way as to what produced the situation I had to face when I came into office. I am glad to say that, Iso far as Canada, is concerned, it acquiesces now in the ratification.

“There is still the question of the Irish Free State, and 1 have been engaged this week trying to clear away difficulties. Whether 1 have been successful or not I do not care to say, but I hope the explanation that I have given will enable me to secure ratification and close the whole chapter. “The more important matter for me to-day, and for the House, is: What is going- to be the future procedure? I stand by the recolutions of the negotiations, signature, and Ratification of Treaties of the last' Imperial Conference. Those resolutions, so far as I am concerned, will always be put into operation. I am making no partisan statement. • I take the matter as it stands on these resolutions. I wish to say, in all justice to my predecessor, that these resolutions were not put on the agenda of the Imperial Conference because some dominions forced the Government’s hand. But it was put down on its own intiative, and appeared on the original agenda. Therefore I feel I have 1 got the support of all parties in the House in making the declaration that, so far as I am respons. ible for the Foreign Office and the Government, these provisions will he carried out.

“If members, and especially right honourable members, who* have been at the Foreign Office, and have been responsible for its work either directly t>i* indirectly, will look at the wording of these resolutions, they will see they are by no means watertight or definite, and that-they require to be supplemented and interpreted.. I am going to make no pledge on this to-day, but I should like to tell the House what is in my mind.

“I think the time has come when we have to consider in view of present circumstances, what machinery is required to be created for the conduct of a united Imperial Policy particulars as regards foreign affairs. r “We have gone through various stages. There was a time when we never considered our dominions at all. Whoever sat at the Foreign Office considered the responsibilities of the Empire as though he, without consulting with anyyody, except perhaps the Cabinet of which he was a member, could say what was right or what was wrong. Then we got to another stage when we informed the Dominions —we gave them information—of what we were doing. That is done now pretty fully, but very rightly self-respecting people like those who inhabit our Dominions will not be content with that. If I or the Colonial Office send a weekly telegram to the Dominions saying that the foreign news of the week is so and so, naturally the Ministers of Australia, Canada, South Africa, and so on, will begin to express opinions. “That brings us to a very undefined situation. Must I respect these opinions? Must I yield to those opinions if they come with the weight, not of one Dominion, but of three or four Dominions, even against my own ? Is that enough ? Opinions expressed at the end of a very long cable are not negotiations, are not exchanges of opinion. The whole question opens up whether it is possible, and not on Impossible if that were all I should be a little more content to let things drift —but whether it is necessary to supplement information by creating a contact which comes nearer to of obligations. I therefore think that without much delay, if we are going to enter into any further negotiations that will commit either the honour or the resources of the Empire, these resolutions should be made the subject of a very careful inquiry by constitutional representatives of the Dominions as well as ourselves—constitutional authorities, meii who have had experience of government and experience of constitutional working—sitting with us as a sort of specialised sub-committee or committee of the Imperial Conference, who, with the authorities here, with all our experience of the difficulties of conducting foreign affairs, will exploit* all this to see if we cannot make some of those provisions a little more definite than they are, so as to remove possible misunderstandings. “There is one thing more we must ask for and must not forget. That is that it is essential that we should have the power o£ rapid decision. I could give at least three important illustrations of this from my own very brief experience. On each occasion it was very necessary that I should take my coinage in my hands, risk the consequences, and say—‘That is our decision ’ On each occasion the events justified the action taken. But that must be safeguarded. “Since the war new conditions prevail. There has been a tremendous change in the minds of the Dominions since the Chanak telegram. We have evidence every week of a marked and decisive change—an intellectual and sympathetic change—between the Do-

minions and ourselves which calls for the creation of a machine which shall restore the confidence that has been destroyed. I do not make any proposal, but in order to satisfy the House that his Majesty’s Government are. not overlooking what easily may rapidly develop into a situation which is almost impossible. L wish to assure them that we are not overlooking the matter. Before anything is done of a definite character I shall communicate my ideas to the House in a more definite form. I am sure that those who are at any time responsible for the foreign policy of his Majesty’s Government must come back to these resolutions and develop them where nossible.”