The Hastings Standard Published Daily THURSDAY, JULY 8, 1897. THE LEAUE OF PREMIERS.

Hastings Standard, Issue 367, 8 July 1897, Page 2

The Hastings Standard Published Daily

THURSDAY, JULY 8, 1897. THE LEAUE OF PREMIERS.

For the cause that lacks assistance, For the wrongs that need resistance, For the future in the distance. And the good that we can do.

The Colonial Premiers have seemingly formed themselves into a union. In the cosy sitting rooms of the Hotel Cecil they have resolved upon working in association, and thus they are able to defeat the main objects for which they were invited to London. In the days prior to the 22nd June their spoken sentiments had a ring of true Imperialism in them. Englishmen and colonials were quite satisfied that the Empire was consolidated. The solidarity was complete. But since the Premiers met the Hon J. Chamberlain in conference the curtain has been tl row 1 aside, and the high falutin' stnti nents have sunk into the grossest selfishness—selfishness on the part of the Mother Country and selfishness on the part of the Colonial Premiers. Neither side will yield a point, and both sides expect concessions. The great Empire-cementing Conference has dwindled down to the level of a Colonial Parliament with the estimates in discussion. The Chamberlain Conference is a most humilating affair, and it remains to be seen whether the British Minister will be able to raise it to its true level. The two points which the Premiers in league dispute with the Colonial Office are the questions of closer trade relations and the power of veto over the movements of the Auxiliary Squadron. With respect to trade preference we showed in a previous article that this was hopeless. The German and Belgian treaties are too plaiuly worded to admit of any breach, and British trade with these foreign countries is too great and important to be thrown away without any compensating advantages. The Premiers, however, demand that these treaties shall be renounced, and they are safe in making the demand, for they are thus relieved of the unpleasant task of submitting proposals for interEmpire trading. With respect to the Australian Squadron, the Premiers have taken up quite a selfish position, and while they demand that England shall make enormous sacrifices for the colonies they are not prepared to concede a single point. They have decided that there must be some limitation of the power of the Admiral in utilising the services of the squadrou. In the event of England declaring war against a European Power such a limitation would be a serious disadvantage to the colonies. By the present conditions the Admiral of the Australian squadron could not move the auxiliary fleet outside colonial waters without the permission of the contributories. In the event of war the time that must elapse in obtaining the necessary consent, assuming that it will be readily granted by the seven colonies, may moan disaster to us and to British prestige in the East. Our greatest danger lies in the depredations of venturesome cruisers, and the Admiralty does not profess to be able to guard against this; but in any organised attempt to molest the colonies a foreign power would find an impossible task.

The services of the AuxiJiiry Squadron if ever they are ealltd upon to fire a broadside will not, we think, be in Australasian waters. All that there is of foreign navies in these seas cs|ld be easily dealt with by two or three of the warships ; but if the China squadron or the Pacific squadron were defeated then it may and probably will be necessary to move the Australian squadron. Under such circumstances we do not believe the Admiralty would hesitate to do that which the Premiers now demand shall not be done, nor yet do we think that the Admiral here will waste his time in obtaining the consent of the colonies to free him from the limitations. In war time rules, laws, and regulations must ail give way to the purpose in hand, and the Premiere know all this well enough, and their stipulation for a limitation of the Admiral's powers is childish. The arguments against an increas of the naval contribution is plausible but not sound. Let us just picture what these Australasian colonies would -be like without their export trade with the United Kingdom. What is the use of our grain, wool, and muttou without the British market'? So long as England is mistress of the sea, so long as we are free to sing " Britannia Kules the Waves," then there is 110 fear for our trade ; but it must not be forgotten that other nations are building ships, and the cables of last week informed us that the expenditure of France in naval construction for the coming year would amount to £11,360,000. Great Britain needs a navy equal to that of any two Powers, and if the Continental jealousy becomes inflamed it may be necessary to meet the combination of three powers *, and this means maintaining a powerful navy, besides constant expenditure in new material. We are interested in the supremacy of the British navy to the extent of our trade, and if we paid in proportion for tho up-keep of the navy we should be doing no more than is demanded by the exigencies of self preservation. Our export trade, principally with Great Britain, is valued at £8,000,000 annually, and 1 per cent would not be too heavy an insurance premium to pay for the preservation of that trade. Looking at the matter in the most selfish light it is entirely to the interests of the colonies to subscribe liberally towards the maintenance of a strong navy. These two points of the Conference, and they are the principal ones that make for the solidarity of the Empire, have been shirked in the most ignominious manner. The inter-Empire trade question does not admit of an off-hand settlement, but there are cognate matters that might have engaged —and profitably engaged—the attention of the conference. However, it is not wise to judge these matters on the meagre details furnished by the cable messages, and when the English papers with the full report of the speeches come to hand much that is now obscured may be made clear. At any rate we shall be better able to judge of the attitude of the Premiers.