The Hastings Standard Published Daily WEDNESDAY, MAY 26, 1897. FULL WAR RIGHTS.

Hastings Standard, Issue 331, 26 May 1897, Page 2

The Hastings Standard Published Daily

WEDNESDAY, MAY 26, 1897. FULL WAR RIGHTS.

For the cause that lacks assistance. For the wrongs that need resistance, For the future in the distance, And the good that we can do.

The latest cable advices from Washington is to the effect that the Senate, by 40 to 14, adopted a resolution according to Cuba and Spain equal war rights. So far as Spain is concerned the resolution is without point or value, for the reason that Spain is not technically at war with Cuba but suppressing an insurrection in her own dominions. The resolution, however, has considerable significance when applied to the Cubans, as it practically amounts to conceding belligerent rights to the islanders. Instead of the resolution being favorable to the Spanish, it would if assented to by President M'Kinley be a casus belli, and che Spanish Government is evidently preparing for hostilities, for the war and marine budget was increased the other day by £3,000,000. Last year the Senate of the United States passed a similar resolution, but President Cleveland declined to endorse it. At that time the Spanish Government made it clear to the Government at Washington that recognition of the insurgents would be treated as an unfriendly act. President M'Kinley during his electoral campaign espoused, as far as he dared, the cause of the Cubans, and in his inaugural address on the 4th March last, although he made a strong appeal for the confirmation of the Arbitration Treaty with Great Britain he at the same time intimated that his Governmeut would observe a peaceful but firm and dignified foreign policy. For some weeks past President M'Kinley has been urged to intervene in Cuba, and the President and his millionaire Cabinet must do something to redeem the election pledges. This vote of the Senate places Major M'Kinley between the deep blue sea and the alliterative alternative. True he has recommended and secured from Congress a vote of 50,000 dollars for the relief of Americans in Cuba rendered destitute by the Cuban revolt, but this will scarcely satisfy the country. The sympathies of the Americans are entirely with the rebels, and it will not be at all surprising if President M'Kinley finds himself compelled to accede to the popular demand as voiced not only in public meetings but also in Congress, and grant belligerent rights to the insurgents in Cuba. According to the common usages under such conditions, America would be justified in recognising the Cubans. The propriety of such recognition rests upon the importance of the intercourse of the revolted community with the recognising State. The trade of the United States with Cuba is very large, and several lines of steamers run regularly between New York and other American ports and Havana, Mantanzas and .Santiago. Cuba sugar finds its best market in the United States ; and that the Americans have suffered is proved by the fact that the United States has been obliged to come to the aid of its ruined

subjects resident in. Cuba. On commercial grounds, the recognition of the rebels would be justified, and there is precedent for such a course. England granted belligerent rights to the Southern Confederacy because of the importance to her of the cotton trade.* There are other grounds existing which would justify American intervention, and which require to be established to sanction such intervention. There is an actual armed struggle likely to continue, and which up to the present has defied all the efforts of Spain to bring to a close. Further, the rebals are a properly organised military force under duly commissioned officers and in actual possession of the greater part of the island, obeying a Government chosen by the people. Thus the United States will be well within its rights in granting the Cubans belligerent rights, but even so such recognition need not and probably will not stop the Spanish Government from regarding such recognition as an act of hostility, and a reason for a declaration of war. Recognition of belligerency consists merely in the acknowledgement by a neutral Power that a rebel community is by the condition of its position and organisation entitled during the course of its struggle with the parent country to the war privileges always granted to recognised States. If the United States should grant the Cubans full war rights, then the American ports would be opened to the commissioned cruisers of the rebels so long as they obeyed the neutrality laws. The insurgents would be able to obtain loans from the friendly Americans, as well as military and naval supplies, and enlist men as against everything but the neutrality laws. Thus the commissions and flag of the rebels would be respected instead of their ships being seized as fillibusters. The Spanish Government must be very tired of the Cuban rebellion, which has already cost the Spaniards very heavily in money and men. Spain cannot with any dignity sever its connection with the Island, but the intervention of America will give to the Government of Madrid an expensive but dignified loophole of escape. In a war with America it is hopeless for Spain to expect any measure of success, and being beaten she would not lose in dignity in accepting such terms as will give to Cuba complete autonomy and so release Spain of an expensive colony.