THE COAL STRIKE.

Gisborne Standard and Cook County Gazette, Volume II, Issue 206, 9 October 1888, Page 3

THE COAL STRIKE.

[fhoai oub owj corbespondent.] Sydney, Sept. 19. no’ IMPROVEMENT : A DIABOLICAL PLOT. The state of affairs at the Newcastle mines shows no improvement. Disturbances and organised attempts at intimidation are becoming more frequent, and each successive demonstration exceeds the last in violence. Those who work in opposition to the commands of the Union are mobbed and maltreated, and in one case a diabolical plot, which almost succeeded, was laid to blow up a colliery with gunpowder. The original strike seems to have been quite unjustifiable, and the means by which it is sought to maintain it are such as cannot be tolerated in any civilised country. Yesterday it was judged necessary to send a Nordenfelt gun and a detachment of the Permanent Artillery to East Lambton, where some laborers engaged in filling small coal were stoned. Although in this instance the necessity for action had disappeared before the military reached the scene, it appears only too probable that seriona bloodshed wA| take place before the disturbance is end*. The irrepressible member for Northumberland, Mr Ninian Melville, is on the spot, but as his chief desire seems to be to “ make himself solid ” with the strikers, his presence, to put it mildly, is of no very great assistance in the conserveof law and order. The proclamation fflted by the Government, which notifies that citizens will receive the protection of the authorities in pursuing their lawful avocations, he held up to public opprobrium the other night before a throng of excited miners. Such a course can have no other result than that of intensifying the bitterness and increasing the misunderstandings which already prevail. THE ECONOMIC ASPECT. Begirding ths economic aspect of the Question some important changes have taken place. The coal-owners I may explain are not united. There are the associated collieries, by far the most powerful body, who control the market, and have a mutual agreement, called the “vend,” to restrict the output within certain limits and thereby maintain prices. Then there arc the non-associated collieries, who have not joined the “ vend.” but who work for “ their own hand.” The latter bad nothing to do with ths disputes which led to the strike, yet their pits were laid idle with the others by order of the Union. They have since approached the men on their own account, offering them 10s a day for eight hours work. The miners refuse, alleging that such a baisis of payment “ would lead to endless contentions.” They offer, however, to work on the basis of a former agreement, which was in force for some years, but which was broksu by the associated masters. The non-as;oeiated collieries apparently fear that if they were to yield to the miners’ demands they woull bo crushed by the powerful “ vend.” As the most hopeful way out of the difficulty they have advertised for three or four thousand men to work their mines. As, unfortunately, there are thousands of able and willing men unemployed, this step puts considerat e pressure on the Union to end the dispute as soon as possible. On the other hand the Great Northern colliery, which has important Government contracts to supply, has accepted the agreement of the miners, and ■tarta work to-day. It is interesting to note that, as soon as the pinch of the coal fstnine began to be felt the laws which regulate demand and supply begin to assert themselves in a manner which, if disturbing forces were removed, would settle the whole question. Priors rise to an unprecedented pitch, masters feel themselves warranted in offering higher wages, and the whole district would soon assume its wonted aspect of industry and prosperity if it were not for the dogged obstinacy of the combatants, and the intimidation which is exercised by each side after its own fashion. Sydney, Sept. 26. THE MISEBS’ SIDE. *• He who knows only his own side of a case knows very little of that.” There was a crowded meeting last night to hear the miners’ side of the Newcastle strike, which, as I have told you before, has been very generally condemned. The principal speakers were Mr B. Goundry, the Miners' Chairman, and Mr J. Curley, their Secretary. These gentlemen made it very plain that there is a great deal to be eaid from their point of view—that the miners have many grievances for which tinder present circumstances they have no redress, and that their average earnings for the twelve month are very much smaller than has been generally believed. The statement pub’ished by the masters gave the miners’ wages at from three to four pounds per week, or very nearly two shillings an hour. But it admittedly covered only the seven weeks immediately preceding the strike, when all the collieries were working at their fall strength. The wages paid, therefore, only give an index as to what could be done under favorable circumstances—circumstances which seldom or never obtain for many weeks together. Mr Curley's figures, which extend over the whole twelve months, and in some cases over two years, show that the average takings of the men are onl} about £2 a week all round the district, or about £2 10* the beet collieries. Still they are not Striking for an increase of wages, but for payment for work which they now have to do tor nothing and for a definition of what is a standard seam. It need hardly be said that the interest of the public in the matter of being furnished with a regular supply of coal was altogeiher ignored. So was ‘the brutal and cowardly treatment meted out by some of the miners to the men whom they called •• scabs ” and “ blacklegs.” In brief, while the speakers showed that the merits of the case were not altogether on one side, they altogether failed to show that their action in Striking before the resources of negotiation had been exhausted had any justification. The audience was composed chiefly of the working classes and it accorded its sympathy to the miners' cause in a very unmistakeable manner. “THEY SHOULD BE HUNG.” One feature of the meeting was the appearance of Sir John Robertson, who has been Very much in tne back ground of late. The old Knight was very heartily cheered on rising, but wi'h characteristic courage he used the opportunity to read the strikers a lecture on the enormity of intimidating nonunion worker?. Then the cheers gave place to loud uproar and dissent. “It was a “ disgrace,” caid Sir John, “ for working men to hound away other working men from the mines because they were not union men.” Then lustily yelled the unionists “They should be hung.” But Sir John was not to be daunted. “If he had not stood forward forty years ago, when people hounded him,” be told them, •• those present would not have enjoyed the liberties they now had.” Which was true enough. Unionism is a grand and growing fact, Whether we like it or not it has ooms to stay. It cannot be criticised or browbeaten out of existence. It has to be reckoned with just as it is.. And one of the most unpleasant features is a tendency to that very oppression and tyranny against

wbiah, when excercisod by the employer, it to strongly revolts. However, the hope lor unionism a. 9 for society generally lies in the itarfction of the masse*. “Ws matt eduo&’e oar masters,” not in the mere parrot* like style which delights the official mind, but in everything that peri airs to true man* hood and true womanhood, and the implantation of general instincts which will scorn to be tyrannical as well as to endure tyranny. JaRIGHTEB PROSPECTS OF SETTLEMENT. The prospects of an ultimate settlement appear kt present somewhat brighter. The masters, metaphorically speaking, are biting their fingers at the thought of the big profits that are slipping past them- T'-e men are B’so getting tired of “ ease and hunger ” snd their apprehensions are also excited by the number of outside laborers who are being brought into the district to supplant them. There is more disposition on both sides to listen to reason and less inclination to stand upon dignity. The mediatory committee is busy, and hopes are freely expressed that t wkUon oi the difficulty trill bo emvsd bn

STUPIDITY OF THE GOVERNMENT. The attitude of the Government in the matter has provoked considerable hostile criticism, not merely from the miners and their representatives, from whom it might be looked for as a matter of course, but from independent sources. At a disturbance art New Lambton colliery, the police, through bad generalship, as it appears, allowed them selves to be outnumbered. Reinforcements of permanent artillery with a Nordenfeldt gun were promptly sent up, although there did not appear any necessity for such an extreme course. This, however, was not all. Not only were the colonial military forces ordered into the district, but they immediately began to make unwonted demonstrations in the shape of a sham fight and suchlike manoeuvres, which looked very much like a challenge to the disaffected miners. Of course, no one can blame the Executive for having its forces in readiness, and there can be no doubt that its action has tended to the prevention of outrage, if not to the promotion of good feeling. But it is taken for granted in democratic countries that no recourse is to be taken to military force until all the resources of the evil arm have been exhausted. Even then such an expedient is a confession of egregious failure, as well as an assertion of power. It is the employment of brute force by the State, and the State is organised chiefly to prevent the necessity of a recourse to brute force. Sir Henry is not blamed for taking precautions against contingencies which were sufficiently obvious. He is blamed for being in too great a hurry to play his last card, and for flaunting his forces in an offensive and irritating manner. However, such emergencies, fortunately, seldom arise, and some allowance must be made for inexperience if trouble should ensue—the chief part of the blame must be held to rest on those who were the first to bring a state of virtual warfare into a peaceful community.