FOR UNITY.

Grey River Argus, 25 February 1927, Page 6

FOR UNITY.

Clan Struggle Principles. AS APPLIED BY BED INTERNATIONAL LABOUR UNION. When the Youth Delegation visited I. Russia a month or two back they’ had ' a long discussion with Comrade Lozovsky on tlie work of th(‘ R.1.L.U., its campaign for Trade Union Unity’, the position of Colonial workers in the R.1.L.1J., and many' other important questions. A most interesting discussion centred upon the fundamental differences between the R.I.L.U. and the I.F.T.U. Comrade Lozovsky’ summarised these ■ differences between Amsterdam and Moscow under the following heads: — 1. Class-Struggle or Class-Collabora-tion. The RJ.L.U. so reads the entire history of the working class of all countries, and in particular, modern developments, that it considers that the class cleavage and class antagonisms will he sharpened to such a degree that they are bound to end in the revolutionary overthrow of the ruling class. The I.F.T.U. holds the theory' (so widely' spread in this country) that it is possible to transform the present capitalist structure of society gradually, and without social upheavals, into a new and more up-to-date one. In spite of the fact that history gives us not one single example of onej class conceding power to another with-| out a hitter struggle—that never has I any’ concession even iu the sphere of social legislation been voluntarily made—that, every slight achievement of the workers has been the result of years of bitter struggle—that McDonald’s Government detracted not one iota from the power of the bankers, the landlords and the industrial magnates- - in spite of all they 7 consider that the placing of the working class in power may’ he achieved through ‘ r democracy ” parliamentarism, and the securing of a majority’ in Parliament. The R.I.L.LL has had sufficient experience of the international ruling ciass to prophesy with confidence that on the day' when a Labour Government tries to carry out nationarlsation and confiscation from the bourgeoisie, tho whole of that class will rise up in resistance—a resistance that can only be overcome by violent struggle and the setting up of a revolutionary workingclass dictatorship. 2. Is Class Collaboration Possible? Tho I.F.T.U. is in favour of classcollaboration.

Its representatives participate in the commissions oi the League of Nations and tho International Labour Office. Its individual adherents become Privy Councillors, while in all capitalist (•ountries attempts are made to establish all kinds of Industrial Peace

Leagues and other conciliation machinery to promote ass-col la bora lion bell ween tin* workers ami the employers. The R.1.L.U., basing its policy as it does on the class-struggle, is determinedly opposed to any. form of ciass-colla-borat ion whatever. 3. The Question of the Colonies. During all the conferences A of the 1.F.T.U., not a single resolution men tioning the independence of the Colon ies has been discussed. It considers the enslavement and exploitation of the Colonial peoples* absolutely’ essential to tho {welfare of European workers. The R.I.L.U. stands for and struggles for the independence of th<‘ Colonies the equal rights of the Colonia! .rkers' movement with the workers' m' vement of other countries. Tl consider? that complete unity 7 between the European and Coloma W n-kers’ Unions is absolutely 7 essen H:il to the success of the struggle .'igainst NVorld Imperialism. 4. How to End NVar. The I.F.T.U. contents itself with passing pious resolutions to the effect that as people are killed during a war. /Li'refore war is a very bad thing. Tho R.I.L.U. holds that war can only be successfully 7 prevented by 7 the relentI* ss earrving on of the class-war. 5. The Fight Against Re-Action. The I F.T.U. flatly’ declines the invitation of tho R.I.L.U. to conduct joint

demonstrations against Fascism, rear |n<g its dictatorship in so many coun ti ies.

Such a dictatorship can only’ be overturned by 7 forcible resistance. This lie* I.F.T.U. will not. subscribe to, but attempts to fight against murderius react ion by passing an occasional resolution of mild protest. 6. What Constitutes An International?

The R.I.L.U. aspires to create an International which would really embrace the Workers’ Movement of the| whole world. The Tvm t. considers that Europe is the hub of the universe. The R.I.L.U. believes (and in the British Miners’ Strike translated its theories into practice) that an International should at all timer; give the uttermost help to any 7 section of the workers engaged in conflict. The I.F.T.U. hold the view of noninterference in internal affairs. Such an International is only one in name, and can never be a workers’ fighting International. 7. How to Resist the Capitalist Onslaught. The attitude cf the I.F.T.U. is typified by the behaviour of its representatives (members of the General Council) in England. Reluctantly’ forced by’ mass pressure to declare a General Strike they did not believe in, it bent all its energies to sabotaging it. As a result of its treachery, tho miners have been defeated, and an open invitation given to +hc employers in all other industries to launch a further attack. The R.I.L.U. on the other hand spared no efforts to assist the minors, who were fighting not only the owners, the F. 8.1. and the Government, but the General Council, the Labour Party Exoentire, and the 1.F.T.U., all of whom wore urging them to capitulate. Thus Comrnfle Lozovsky plainly I |l„. U,fnl :ml fundamental di-l between the R.T.L.U. and]

;the I.F.T.U. on all questions of work ing-cla -s policy and method in the struggle with capitalism. TERMS. R.I.L.U. Bed International. Labour Unions. 3rd International. I.F.T.U. International. Federation. Trade Union.