BRITISH POLITICS.

Grey River Argus, 11 January 1927, Page 6

BRITISH POLITICS.

MR ROSE’S TROUBLE.

By H. E. Holland, M.P.

London Press Association cables of December 15 stated that Mr. F. 11. Bose ALP., for Aberdeen had sent an ultimatum to th*» Labour Party’s Executive demanding the expulsion of Communist members from the Aberdeen Trades und Labour Council and threatening it this were not done he would leave the

Labour Party. Mr. Rose demanded a \definite answer before January Ist. It is a little difficult to understand how Air. Rose could expect the Labour Party to expel members of an industrial organisation —that is a matter for the industrial organisation concerned. But it is somewhat amusing to note how the Tory Press finds cause for jubi lation in incidents of this kind. Welling ton “Dominion” made the matter the subject of a leading article, in which it accepted without question the assumption that men may be expelled from an industrial council by a political executive. The Labour movement has never at any time made such a foolish rule. However, the British Labour pa: pera to hand by last mail place a different complexion on Mr. Rose’s position. About a year ago the Conference for the selection of a Labour candidate for North Aberdeen chose a Mr. John 1 aton in preference to Mr. Rose, who is the sitting member. There were preheat 86 delegates, representing the Labour organisations concerned, and the voting was 81 for Mr. Paton and 5 for Rose. Mr. Rose (and the Executive of the A.E.W., of which he is a inember; challenged the decision on the grounds that some Communists who were ineligible to vote had taken part in the ballot. Finally a ballot of the affiliated membership was ordered, but this resulted in a fiasco, only 386 members out of a total of 3000 voting. Ot the 386 who voted, 265 were for Paton and 121 for Rose. It is said that the Mtnall poll was due to resentment against the Conference decision being challenged —it was held that the Conference vote reflected the wishes of the local Labour mevement. In any cast?, the membership ballot in so far as it went indicated that the constituency preferred a candidate other than Mr. Rose. If the Communists were on a La hour Party Council Mr. Rose would be within his rights —although he would cerainly be very late in tho day—»n railing for action on the part of the political executive. Since the Trades and Labour Council is the body concern cd his demand is both futile and late in the day. The Local Elections. Notwithstanding Mr. Rose’s threat vnings and Mr. Havelock \\ ilson s political non-unionism, and a host of other

side issues, the British Labour movement sweeps onward. In Britain as in every forward country the industrially organised movement of the workers expresses itself politically; and in the ret cent local elections the great victories of tho Labour Party and the substantial losses of tho Tories are indications of the working-class psychology which is rapidly developing in Britain. The nett Labour gains were 200 George Lansbury’s declaration that

“the results show that the Tory Gov eminent has absolutely lost any con fidence the public ever had in it’’ was not far out. The Labour Party very highly made the coal lock-out a leading issue, and the results represent thi people’s pronouncement on the Bald

win Government’s class-conscious sup port of the coal-owners, as well as their condemnation of its lack of policy with respect to all the matters that direct lv affect the lives of the people. The Smethwick Battle.

The Smethwick result was yet an other indication of the rapid change tn public thought that is taking place in England. Tho Tories left nothing un done to secure a. victory. The Tory Press screamed, and every imaginable insult was hurled at the Labour candi date, and his wife. The Communist bo gey was made a fiercer bogey than ever, and whatever could be done in the way of creating a psychology that would make for disorder and violence was done. And these things notwith standing, the Labour candidate topped the poll with an increased majority that climbed into huge thousands—a majority over both the Tory and Liberal candidates So far as the historic Liberal Part) is concerned, the Smethwick figures are ominous. The Liberal vote was negligible and the candidate lost his deposit (£150). Almost every by-ele© turn now indicates how hopelessly doomed is that party. One feature of tho election was the fact that the Labour candidate was the son-in-law of the Marquis of Curzon, and along with hi*; wife came on to the hustings proclaiming the economic righteousness of Socialism. He also had for one of his plat form supporters the Socialist son ii' Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin. When Mr Baldwin sent his daughter to drive the Tory candidate’s car through th electorate as a counterblast to the Socialist “heresies’’ of his son, the elec tors must have been considerably intrigued, as a certain writer would say. The Party Growing. Concurrently with the recorded triumphs in local and national politics th r Labour Party continues to increase its numerical strength. The dues-payisg membership has increased by’ 179,741 during the last financial year, and now totals 3.373,870. The overwhelming majority of this membership comes, of course, from the industrial organisa tions, hence, whatever its shortcomings, the British Labour Party is the true political reflex of ti e industrially-or-garised workers. Apart from the u ions, there are 3314 ordinary branches, an increase of 284 over last year. The women organised in a separate section have 11,656 branches with a membe - ship of 250,000, and at next electicn seventeen women will contest constitu ♦•ncies as Labour candidates. There wi l be not less than 436 Labour candidates in all. The Executive of the Party has good grounds for declaring in its last report that the prospects of Labour in Britain were never brighter than they are to-dav.