THURDAY, May 30th., 1918.

Grey River Argus, 30 May 1918, Page 2

THURDAY, May 30th., 1918.

RUNNING- side by side with the great struggle on the battlefields of Europe, there is a tremendous current of discussion and questioning going on throughout the whole world to-day. As an eminent thinker puts it, "The whole framework of society, has been violently wrenched and reshaped to meet the necessities of a, way' which affects every department of social existence, and men's, -minds too, under the stress of ctioigo, arc being torn from the moor[iags of custom and carried forward to j unknown destinations. New ideas arc blowing nround us in the storm-laden sky.'' At such a time as this it is necessary that all of us should use what ever mental capacity we possess to probe into and examine the various i theories and doctrines which are fightling for the mastery. Two of them are contending for victory on the battleI field, while all three are contending for 'a victory over men's minds. The first is the principle of Prussianisni ; the second the principle of Revolution; and the third the principle of the Commonwealth. Compromise between these three doctrines is practically impossible as the adherents of each are striving for a victory that shall be complete uni versal and decisive. Germany and her allies stand for the first principle; tb° Bolsheviks of Russia anil similar extremists throughout the world stand for the second principle, while the Allies stand for the last principle. The whole subject opens up a tremendous icld but in conformity with the headling of the article we shall confine ourselves to some sidelights which have been thrown out by the principle oi Revolution, as expounded by the 801-. sheviks of Russia. It is an extraordinary thing that though there seems to jo. a tremendous difference between «.-- c doctrine proclaimed by tho Bolsheviks and that of Prussianism, there is a fundamental relationship: It is idle for any sympathiser with the Bolsheviks to deny this relationship as . it was" acknowledged by no less a person than Trotsky himself in replying to a' statement made by General Hoffmann' at the Brest-Litovsk Conference ''That the Russian Government (the Bolsheviks) ..based its position on power, and that it makes use of force against ail those whose oponions differ frm its own." Trotsky frankly admitted, this fact. AVo see by recent, cables several interesting sidelights which go to prove pretty plainly what the effects of class-war are on the internal organisation of any country where this pernicious doctrine is allowed to have unrestricted play. A pathetic letter from a famous Russian General published in the London ''Daily Express says that though seventy-five yearfs of age, he and his family are starving. He. adds, "class war has; annulled religion, .truth and self-respect, and has exchanged these for mischief, rape. and robbery.", Another cable states that Lord Robert .Cecil announced that the British Government had no intention of recognising : the present Russian Government as it was not satisfied that it was free from German influence. Also that its organs were full of denunciations of Britain. Ana agam Lioyd George in his'a*ddress on his receipt of the Freedom of Edinburgh ,said that to achieve freedom* and the security of the world against war we should Temcmber what has befallen the Russian democracy. It has been well said that the propaganda of the Revolution at this crisis" of tne war against Prussianism is" an unwelcome distraction, and; may even be a disaster; for it darkens, counsel and divides and confuses the foiees of free- | dom. The revolutionary idea does more than break up the unity of the forces of freedom: it tends to realign them against one another, leaving the front unguarded against the common enemy % are abundant evidences of the | dreadful condition into which the. ad-, vocates of class wa r have plunged Rus-.i sia. This is. quite; bad enough, in itjself but when to this, is added the fact that thei* desertion, of- the cause of liberty has been within an ace of shacklling me work 1 , with Prussianism, ami

that it will cause the loss of millions ■of extra lives in the prolonging of the 'war, the powers for evil of these masters of destruction is shown up in a very lurid light. The doctrine of 80l- i shevicism is no new doctrine. Nor is ', it the first time that it has seized i power and essayed the task of government. The preachings of Lenin, ancf Trotsky are but a crude and contorted version of ideas which have been discussed, in part adopted and in part discarded, by students and statesmen in happier countries than Russia during the past three generations. Their ; doctrines set out no system of life and government, well compacted, logical And consistent, but a patchwork com- ; position in which victims of all the op- ; :>ressions of which the modern world J is so full can find food for their own ' particular dream of liberation •o r re- ! venge and for their unthinking anu ! childlike fanaticism. I