The Gisborne Herald IN WHICH IS INCORPORATED “THE TIMES.” GISBORNE, WEDNESDAY, JULY 26, 1950 LEOPOLD WINS THRONE BUT NOT GOODWILL

Gisborne Herald, Volume LXXVII, Issue 23315, 26 July 1950, Page 6

The Gisborne Herald IN WHICH IS INCORPORATED “THE TIMES.” GISBORNE, WEDNESDAY, JULY 26, 1950 LEOPOLD WINS THRONE BUT NOT GOODWILL

WITH King Leopold back again on the throne the hard-working people of Belgium find themselves completely divided at one of the most critical times in their history. In a post-war period when constitutional movements have all been in the opposite direction the restoration of a monarch in Europe is an achievement. In Belgium it lias been the person not the principle which has been at issue, but in the future it may well be both. Although recalled by Parliament, Leopold returned with the goodwill of only a section of his people, and in the face of demonstrations and threats extreme measures have had to be taken for bis safety. Today lie is transacting the affairs of state in bis palace at Laeken behind an armed guard. There is no Queen, his wife, Princess dc Retliy, remaining temporarily in Switzerland. The question of Leopold’s return was a major issue in the general election held in Belgium over a year ago. Last month it dominated another appeal to the country. In between there was a plebiscite to “advisb” Parliament on the same subject. For live years, in fact, the nation lias been bitterly rent by the dispute over Leopold’s future. Last April the King broadcast bis “compromise” offer. He would return, rule for about IS days, and then turn over bis royal powers temporarily to his eldest son. Prince Baudouin. The question of bis eventual restoration would be decided later by Parliament. No “Tags” on Return to Throne The three main political parties—the Social Christians, the Socialists and the Liberals—accepted this arrangement in principle and for a few days it looked as if the crisis was about to end. The Socialists, however, would not consent to having the King sit in Brussels while his son ruled. They made it a condition that after handing over bis powers be should take a long trip abroad, and must live outside the capital when he returned. These negotiations broke down. Despite the opposition Leopold has been brought back and. as far ns is known, there are no “tags.” The argument over the King has gone beyond assessment of bis record as a ruler, a “detainee” of the Germans during the war, or as an individual with private affairs. Whatever the merits of his defence, the bald fact is that those who have brought him back to Belgium number only a few hundred thousand more than those who have voted against him. Even in Brussels, the capital where the monarch traditionally carries out his constitutional functions, the majority of the inhabitants have expressed opposition to him. In the March plebiscite only 57.68 per cent _of the Belgian population as a whole voted for bis recall, prompting the political gibe that Leopold could'never be more than “King of Catholic Flanders.” Since then the Catholic Social Christians have along with their majority in the Senate gained an absolute majority in the Lower House which has enabled a joint session of tire two Houses to rescind the 194-5 legislation declaring that it was impossible for the King to reign. Action Backed By Very Slender Majority The Social Christians have a very small majority in the Lower House. In the last election their proportion of the total vote was no higher than 48 per cent, which was less than the number voting for the King in the plebiscite. He has, therefore, returned as a party man. No king can he a real king on such a basis. Leopold’s restoration divides the country along all its lines of cleavage—Flemings voting for the King, Walloons against him, Catholics for his resumption of office, free-thinkers for his banishment. It may he said that his abdication would produce a similar cleavage. No doubt tension would persist for some time, since this hitter controversy has eaten deeply into the Belgian consciousness. But throughout the whole affair the necessity of retaining the monarchy, not least to bind the French-speaking and the Flemishspeaking sections, has never been seriously challenged. If Leopold abdicated in favour of his 19-year-old son, Prince Baudouin, the royal unifying influence would still operate, as it has done since 1945 under the Regent, Prince Charles. Abdication would seem to involve fewer risks for the Belgian nation than for Leopold 1o rule in the midst of grave tension as a 57 per cent King (plebiscite result) or as a 48 per cent King (election result). Despite the gentleman’s agreement to keep the monarchy out of the quarrel, a deterioration in the present situation could lead to a revival of republicanism and Belgium might be added to the list of European monarchies which have crumbled. The tone of demonstrators is severe: “Leopold to the gallows.” Protest strikes, as threatened, have started. Belgium has been a, stable element in the Western Union and Atlantic Pact system hut is being seriously weakened by hitter internal dissension.