AUSTRIAN CHAOS

Gisborne Herald, Volume LXXII, Issue 21852, 24 October 1945, Page 5

AUSTRIAN CHAOS

ALLIED_ZONES ' RUSSIAN ATTITUDE MR. WERTH’S ANALYSIS LONDON, Oct. 22. “In Austria,” reports the Daily Mail’s correspondent, “the situation is so tragic that it borders on the comic. Instances are given of British and Americans attempting to assist the Austrians in the Russian zone, but the Russians refusing point-blank. One of the many results of the Russian refusal to' assist in establishing order from chaos is that Austria is now faced with certain inflation.” Coincident with reports from Bulgaria that the Opposition has declared its intention to boycott the election comes a report that the Russian troops there are taking up tactical positions in the south within a short distance of the border of Russia and Turkey and there is evidence that quantities of heavy armament and some troops are being brought into Bulgaria from western Rumania. From Poland comes news that Russian troops have been “invited” by the Warsaw Government to help to suppress bandits and outlaws throughout Poland.

The position in Japan as between the Americans and the Russians was commented on last week by the New Zealand journalist, Mr. J. H. McDonald, when he likened the former Allies to men squaring up for a bout of fisticuffs. The effect on the average man in the street is that he asks what it all means and what are the reasons behind the Russians’ actions. Atom Bomb Intimidation?

A commentator on Russian affairs who is highly regarded is Mr. Alexander Worth, the Moscow correspondent of the Sunday Times, who is now in London.

In an article he discusses the question: “Russia —is it Hopeless?”. He admits that Russian stock has slumped heavily and that five months after V.E.-Day the Allies were passing through a crisis of mutual distrust. He adds: “While we dislike the way the Russians are acting in central and eastern Europe, the Russians are acutely shocked at the idea of their wartime Allies trying to “intimidate” them—as they put it—with the atom bomb. Mr. Werth _ expresses the opinion that the Russians do not want to go into isolation. He says the disappearance of President Roosevelt and Mr. Churchill seriously upse.t the Russians, while under the new men came the announcement of the atom bomb. ‘‘All that was against the Russians — for instance, the Swedish press—hooted with ,ioy,” he added. “It was rubbed in that victorious Russia, with all her bemedalled marshals, could now be ‘kept in order,’ and some even said that she became a ‘second-class Power,’ All this produced two reactions in Piussia: A feeling of great distrust of the ‘capitalist world' and a sudden feeling of insecurity at a time when it was least expected; and, secondly, a feeling of injured pride and prestige. Conference Influenced “That was one of the explanations of the Russians’ unhelpful attitude at the London conference. They were unquestionably hoping for some ‘gesture’ to be made in connection with the atom bomb and it was not forthcoming conditionally or in any othr way. Their alternative was to intensify their atomic research. Militarily, the atom bomb may not be of the slightest importance, but psychologically the effect in Russia, conditioned as she is, has been much deeper than most people realise.” Mr. Werth expresses the opinion that the Russians want, in the main, to return to the Big Three principle. There is reason to believe, he says, that they would like to take the next step, but they are still hesitating, hoping for some atom bomb ‘gesture.” Mr. Worth adds that, in addition to not. wanting isolation, the Russi »Vs, until the atom bomb upset them, nad the objective for the next 50 years of turning Russia into the “most prosperous country in the world.” Clearly, he says, there can be no reconstruction without demobilisation, but at present only non-cadre men over the age of 20 are being demobilised, which is insufficient. He expresses the opinion that Generalissimo Stalin is giving serious thought to the present deadlock and is preparing a decisively important statement for November 7. This is the day before the United Nations Preparatory Commission meets in Londbn. The assembly of the United Nations, of course, is due to begin on October 4, when the delegations of the big Powers may be led by the Foreign Ministers. This assembly is an entirely different thing from the Foreign Ministers’ Council as decided upon at Potsdam. But failing any step being taken between now and December for clearing up the misunderstandings of the London ccnference, the assembly will be the first opportunity of the Foreign Ministers of again meeting—that is, if they lead the delegations.