The Gisborne Herald. WITH WHICH IS INCORPORATED “THE TIMES" GISBORNE, MONDAY, AUGUST 10, 1942. STRIFE IN INDIA

Gisborne Herald, Volume LXIX, Issue 20858, 10 August 1942, Page 2

The Gisborne Herald. WITH WHICH IS INCORPORATED “THE TIMES" GISBORNE, MONDAY, AUGUST 10, 1942. STRIFE IN INDIA

The week opens with news, good and bad, from the various theatres of war and from one theatre, India, which so l'ar has not been in the actual zone of operations. The grave news from southern Russia is tempered to some extent by comment from London supporting the previ-ously-expressed theory that the Soviet command attaches far more importance to the preservation of its armies than the retention of territory. If this view is correct it may be that the recent developments, serious though they undoubtedly are, are not nearly so disastrous as might be suggested by surface indications. In the Middle East, while the lull in land operations continues, the Allies are scoring further successes in their attacks on enemy communications. Of the Battle of the Atlantic little has been heard, but this is an instance where no news is good news. There seems to be good reason for the belief that the U-boat menace is being brought more under control and that losses have been considerably reduced from the high figures for July. In the Pacific theatre the chief interest, of course, centres around the Allied offensive operations in the Solomons and the Aleutians. The scale of these activities has not yet been revealed, but there will be widespread hopes that they are the first steps towards driving back the Japanese. All these widespread developments are important arid of interest, but for the time being they are obscur-ed by the crisis which has arisen in India. This, of course, was not unexpected. It had been heralded for some time by the declarations of the leaders of the Congress Party and towards the end of last week it became clear that nothing short of a miracle could avert an open clash. That clash has now occurred. Just how serious it has been, or will become, is not known, but already there has been bloodshed and loss of life. It is probable that there will be more, because the feelings of irresponsible Indians, spurred on by the fanaticism of their leaders, are not likely to be subdued by the firm measures which the Government of India has been impelled to take. Knowledge that these measures have been taken, firmly and promptly, however, will be welcomed by all who have the real welfare of India and the cause of the United Nations at heart. It has ever been a weakness of Great Britain to tolerate the activities of

minorities and extremists. Such an attitude is understandable and excusable in normal times, but there is no room for it when the Empire itself and democracy are at stake. The present need is for firmness. That course has wisely been followed and it offers the best hope ol - overcoming the present crisis.

By this time there should be little about the situation in India that is not generally .understood, but there are some points which are rightly underlined in the statement issued by the Government of India. The first is that the Congress Party has no- warrant to speak for India as a whole or even for the particular section from which its membership is drawn. On the contrary, it is anathema to large bodies of Indian opinion which look to Britain to protect them from possible domination and subservience. Past efforts to expedite the granting of independence to India have been frustrated by the attitude of the Congress Party, which has been more concerned with its own glorification than with the attainment of legitimate Indian ideals. It has impeded India’s contribution to the war and used the war and its attendant problems as an opportunity for attempting to blackmail Britain into surrender. Some of its supporters are actively associated with the Axis Powers and others are prepared to negotiate with the Axis. Obviously, the Congress policy does not offer a route to real freedom. Rather is it suggestive of totalitarianism, with a dictatorship to be set up by the Congress Party. Apart from the principles involved, the whole conduct of the party has proved its incapacity to govern. Another significant and important feature of the situation is . the admitted lack of any constitution under which Indians at the present time could govern themselves. Mr. Gandhi told the Congress that once independence was obtained whoever was capable of taking power would do so. That surely means spoils to the victor, and the victor, inevitably would mean whichever section could make tire greatest display of force. If that does not mean anarchy and chaos, it means nothing. As it is, the Government of India has resorted to force, it has taken control, and if it has not prevented disorder it has reduced it to a minimum. It is important to remember, too, that it is a predominantly Indian Government and a much more representative one than any which would be set up by the Congress Party. It may not be the Government of an independent India, but the country is probably a good deal • more independent under the present Government than it would be under one of the Congress Party’s choosing. The new development, regrettable though it is, could hardly have been avoided. Certainly the Government would have been lacking in its duty had it not taken steps to prevent the disorganisation involved in a general strike and active opposition to the war effort. Now that it has moved it remains only to hope that its action will be supported by the great majority of the people and that order will be maintained with a minimum of strife and friction.