The Gisborne Herald. WITH WHICH IS INCORPORATED “THE TIMES” GISBORNE, FRIDAY, AUGUST 15, 1941. ANGLO-U.S. AIMS

Gisborne Herald, Volume LXVIII, Issue 20635, 15 August 1941, Page 4

The Gisborne Herald. WITH WHICH IS INCORPORATED “THE TIMES” GISBORNE, FRIDAY, AUGUST 15, 1941. ANGLO-U.S. AIMS

Few things in the course of this war have been more dramatic than the meeting in mid-Atlantic between Mr. Churchill and President Roosevelt, and there are few things which are more likely to be productive of good than the joint declaration which has been issued by them on behalf of their respective Governments. Despite the inevitable speculation, the secret of their meeting was well kept, and the element of drama has undoubtedly added value to the disclosures that have now been made. Both the meeting and its outcome are full of the deepest significance. Outstanding, is the fact that the leader of a country which is at war should confer with the head of a nominally neutral State and that, as a result, they should issue a joint declaration of war aims. There could be no stronger evidence of the measure of support which the United States is prepared to accord Britain in the war or of the ideals and bonds which unite the two countries. Further evidence is contained in the fact that the two statesmen were accompanied by the heads of the various defence services, from which it may be inferred that the discussions were not only political but also embraced mutual defence and the actual conduct of the war. Clearly, the United States is now more than ever an ally of Britain.

As for the actual declaration that has. been made by Mr. Churchill and Mr. Roosevelt, it would be difficult to exaggerate its importance. It might be said that it constitutes little more than a reaffirmation of well-established and firmly-accepted principles, but the clear and precise enunciation of these principles by the leaders of the two great democracies may have a farreaching influence throughout the world. The declaration has been aptly described by Mr. Nash as a modern charter of human liberties. The keynote of the document is freedom and liberty and it applies in varied directions. In the first place, neither Britain nor the United States seeks territorial aggrandisement as a result of the war. On the contrary they conceive the restoration of seized territories and debar future changes without the freely-expressed consent of the peoples concerned. Nor is one country to be allowed to impose its political doctrines or form of government on others. There is to be no export of ideologies but rather are people to be free to choose their own governmental systems. In some measure, perhaps, this might amount to the enforcement of democratic ideals, but to the extent that it offers freedom from enslavement it should appeal to all countries and bring them fresh hope for the future. One of the most far-reaching features of the declaration is the offer of access to trade and raw materials on equal terms to aU peoples. This might almost be construed as implying world free trade, but at the very least it must involve a drastic reconsideration of the barriers to trade which have caused so much international I friction in the past and which, in no Ismail degree, were responsible for the J present war. It is hoped, by opening the markets of the world to the products of their labour, to improve the living standards and the social security of all people. There is to be freedom of the seas, freedom to buy the products of the earth, and, presumably, freedom to sell the I products of one country in all parts ; of the world. This will entail some revolutionary fiscal changes, and it may mean that countries which have been striving towards a policy of selfsufficiency will require drastically to rearrange their economy. In some instances it may even mean substantial sacrifices, since it is obviously |contemplated that progressive nations Swill share their prosperity with others 1 which have been less fortunate. It is |not intended, of coarse, that there jjshal] be a levelling down process, but | it is certainly the aim that the fruits jjof the earth shall be more evenly distributed. ' The importance of this question can be understood if a moment’s consideration is given to the causes for the present strife. In some degree it is a battle between the haves and the have-nots. Certainly grievances have been unduly magnified, but there is no question that they exist. Germany, for instance, demands living space, while Japan is insisting on access to raw materials and the right to market her manufactures. The Anglo-American declaration offers these things and in

doing so largely removes the causes of war. That, of course, is not the end of things. It is still necessary to deal with the aggressive spirit that exists merely for the sake of aggression and aggrandisement. It is insisted, therefore, that the use of force for the attainment of national aims must be abandoned, and to this end it is required that aggressor nations should be disarmed. This, in turn, will lead to a reduction of the burden of armaments on those countries which have armed solely for defensive purposes. There is, perhaps, little new in these aims, but even if that is so it is well that they should be re-statecl More important, however, is it that once the war has been won these objectives should not be overlooked in the flush of victory, but that the people of the world should this time ensure that the peace is a lasting one.