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DUTCH EAST INDIES

POLITICAL ALIGNMENTS. Dr. Schacht’s mission to Belgium has drawn attention to Germany’s desire to improve* economic relations with her neighbours. The following article in the London “Daily Telegraph,” by Alan Houghton Brodrick, a close student of international affairs, discusses Germany and neighbouring Powers against the present political background. The small neighbours of Germany have been scared by the rearmament of the Reich, and are prepared to listen to almost any proposals which would' seem to guarantee then* neutrality in case of war. Germany definitely proposed non-agression pacts to Holland and to Belgium; Hitler has stated in public that he is prepared to assure the inviolability of Swiss territory, andj the Danes are being sounded to see if they will come into a neutrality pact. Germany wants not only to surround herself with a ring-fence of fortifications but also with a glacis of neutral States. The Belgians, torn with internal, political and social dissensions, are in a less satisfactory economic and financial position than their northern neighbours, have lively memories of

the last war, and are inclined to temporise. They have not, as yet, turned down the German scheme. They are, however, very anxious about the effect which their acceptance of it would have both upon this country and upon France. Since the introduction of protective tariffs in Great Britain Denmark has become more and more dependent upon her exports to Germany. The Germans can and do exert very powerful pressure upon Copenhagen. Owing to the fact that the only part of German territory comparatively safe from eventual air raids is that which lies along the Danish frontier, a largd number of airports, aviation camps and factories has been concentrated in the Flensburg region. Denmark is, therefore, within range of German guns and bombs. The Danes may be forced into accepting the German scheme, and by so doing may help to swing the Belgians into line. A “neutral” Belgium for us means something less than the adjective implies. A Belgium which would not let us know when hostile aeroplanes cross to attack London is not so much “neutral” from our point of view as helpful on the side of our eventual enemies.

As a matter of fact, Belgium has not a very long common frontier with tho Reich. The Germano-Dutch line is much longer.

Tho Dutch fear that they may not bo able to keep out of another war. They know that the German paper plan for tho invasion of the West includes the utilisation of the Dutch Limburg. It is easy to realise that Holland has assumed for us an importance which she has not had for years.

The great, network of German autostradas will, when completed, touch the western borders of the Reich at tour points. Two of these arc on the Dutch frontier at Gronau and Emmerich. Along these new motor roads motorised troops can pour at the rate of 70,000 men an hour in both directions.

A German school text-book recently described the Dutch as “borderland Germans,” although the independence of their country from the old German Empire was recognised by the Treaty of Westphalia over 250 years ago and consecrated a state of affairs which had then existed for a century. The Dutch are a people of oldestablished wealth. They have a good deal to lose. Nearly .£10,000,000 have hen spent on defence measures during the last two years. The Prime

Minister stated in Parliament lately that all roads leading to the frontiers are constantly patrolled, that 45,000 men are held ready to be sent to the border. Forts are being constructed, guns and' armoured cars are being constantly delivered to the army, and 100 more aeroplanes ars under construction.

It is of great importance to us that the Dutch should be able to hold up an enemy, if only for a few days. In war Metternich’s saying holds good: “Zeit gewonnen, Alles gewonnen.” Modern warfare conditions and the mechanised and motorised armies of to-day have made the defence of Dutch territory of as much moment to us as that of the soil of Belgium. Moreover, the problems of Holland aro not only European but they affect us vitally in the Far East.

• HEIRS TO THE ISLANDS. The Dutch, by discovery, conquest and supersession of the Portuguese, founded a vast overseas empire. Their trading factories dotted the routes of the world. The people of the little land of sand dunes planted its'flag on. every continent, and in most cases it still flies where it was planted. It is difficult to see what Germany, in the immediate future, stands to gain by her alliance with Japan. From the military point of view their pact would only become of value if Russia and Germany were at war, and- such a war does not seem probable tor some time to come. .As competitors for world markets Japan and Germany are rivals, and owing to her naval weakness Germany can put little or no pressure on the Japanese. On the other hand the results of the pact have been to strengthen the British and French understanding, to reveal an essential identity of view with regard to Pacific problems of both this country and the United States and' to induce the Dutch to seek British co-operation for the protection of the Netherlands East Indies.

Not only is the Gennano-Japanese pact in its essence military, but it would seem to imply recognition by both parties of zones of overseas influence. It has been reported that the Dutch East Indies were to be divided between the Reich and Japan. The Celebes, the Moluccas, Dutch Borneo and New Guinea were to fall to the lot of Japan, while Germany was recognised as the heir to Sumatra and Java—which are already full of Germans—with the Sunda Islands.

The Japanese Prime Minister lias recently stated that his country has no territorial ambitions in the Dutch possessions, but he has promised to examine suggestions which have been put forward by a spokesman of the Minselto party for the conclusion of an agreement with t.he Netherlands whereby the Japanese should lease parts of New Guinea—and conclude a pact of non aggression. A Foreign Office spokesman stated a sort time ago that ihe territory of Japan was too small lor its constantly increasing population. The phrase has a familiar ring.

However, tho Japanese emigrate less willingly than almost any other Asiatics, and they need an island climate in order to flourish. They have nothing of the extraordinary survival quality of the Chinese, whom they can never hope to outnumber in Man-’j churia. Like ourselves, they are uncomfortable in continental conditions. In spite of all obstacles they are trickling into the Philippines. Now these islands still belong to the American system, and the policy of Mr Rosevelt’s Government is not one of disinterestedness iu the affairs of the Pacific. The American Navy, increased in strength, is largely concentrated in the Pacific Ocean, a floating dock has been constructed at Pearl Harbour, and the American Govern-’ ment is subsidising the trans-Paciflc J

air line. Japan is a highly organised and centralised Power with definite ambitions. To compass these ambitious she needs certain raw materials and needs them badly. The economic system of the country is based on the sale of silk to the United States. With the money thus obtained the raw materials for industry are bought. The Japanese want at all costs to free themselves from this perilous depend- ■ ence on the will of a potentially hosI tile Power. Half the Japanese oil imi ports come from the Dutch East InI dies, the other half from the United ‘States, and this supply might in certain circumstances be cut off. Netherlands India produces in abundance what Japan most need's—iron ore, tin, rubber, oil and the rest. REVERSION TO BRITAIN.

The Dutch East Indies have an area 58 times that of Holland. They stretch 3,000 miles from west to east, and are almost everywhere close to British territory. From the foundation of the Dutch East India Company in '1692 until 1798 /'these possessions were under its control. When the French, under Napoleon, seized Holland these lands became British and so remained until we gave them back in 1824. Sir Stamford Raffles, the founder of Singapore, was the Governor of Java during our occupation. He ’ realised the extraordinary wealth of the lands and opposed their retrocession. In the treaty which gave back the island empire to Holland a clause was inserted stipulating that should the Dutch for any reason ever give up their Eastern possessions they should revert to this country.

If it is essential to the security of Great Britain that the Dutch should be able to hold up an invader in the Netherlands, it is of the first moment to the Dominions as well as to Great Britain that the Dutch overseas empire should not suffer a change of masters.

As General Smuts has said, the Dominions feel closer to the United States than does Great Britain. ’The prestige of the Dutch spirit and pride in Dutch achievement in both South Africa and in the United States are immense. More than half the white population of South Africa is of Netherlands origin, and Dutch descent in the United States constitutes a- patent of nobility.

Anglo-Dutch relations are bound to become closer and closer. There is now for the first time a Dutch naval attache in London. We have just appointed a naval attache in Siam. The Dutch are rich and few in number. If. as seems only too probable, the world is entering upon a new period of disregard for international morality and of obedience to the rule of force, Holland and her possessions

will Le very exposed. Both interest and sentiment point to a strengthening of the lies between this country and Hollaed which is. like our own land, a land of freedom and personal liberty where the people arc not subjected daily to the suggestions of crazy fanaticisms and inhuman battle cries.

Permanent link to this item

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Bibliographic details

Greymouth Evening Star, 7 June 1937, Page 10

Word Count
1,666

DUTCH EAST INDIES Greymouth Evening Star, 7 June 1937, Page 10

DUTCH EAST INDIES Greymouth Evening Star, 7 June 1937, Page 10

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