Greymouth Evening Star. AND BRUNNERTON ADVOCATE. FRIDAY, JANUARY 5th., 1934. U.S.A. NAVAL EXPENDITURE

Greymouth Evening Star, 5 January 1934, Page 4

Greymouth Evening Star. AND BRUNNERTON ADVOCATE. FRIDAY, JANUARY 5th., 1934. U.S.A. NAVAL EXPENDITURE

“JN other parts of the world, however, there is the fear of immediate or future aggression, and with this, the spending of vast sums of armaments,” deplored l\lr. Roosevelt, in his speech to Congress, in which he emphasised his own country’s pacific policy, m comparison with the attitude of other and naughtier nations. The President spoke with his tongue in his cheek. He asked Congress to sanction further large expenditure on naval armaments, despite the fact that already the U.S.A, programme provides by 1937, that country will possess the strongest fleet in the world, unless Britain and Japan enter the competition. The latter has already responded to .the American challenge, and public opinion in Britain is forcing a change in Government policy.

According lo details obtained by Mr. Hector C. Bywater, naval correspondent of the London “Daily Telegraph,” the American fleet within four years will have: —The most modern array of battleships; five of the fastest and most modern aircraft carriers afloat; seventeen 10,000-ton, Sin. gun cruisers; ten 7500-ton, Gin gun cruisers; a large flotilla of the most modern destroyers and submarines; the greatest naval, air force in existence; and' the largest naval personnel—exceeding the British total by over 15,000. Meanwhile the entire United States battle fleet, comprising 15 Dreadnoughts, is being completely modernised at a cost of approximately £2,000,000 a ship. Seeing that U.S.A, is less likely to foreign attack than any other big Power, it is pertinent to ask how the President reconciles such expenditure with his proclaimed ideals, and his denunciation of other Powers, more liable to aggression. It must be explained, in fairness, that the cost of naval construction in U.S.A, is far greater than it is in Britain, hence larger expenditure is necessary to secure similar results, but, obvious- : ly, President Roosevelt is in no position to criticise armaments in- 1 crease bv other lands. <

Nor is the increase in Ihe official naval programme, the whole of the story of American preparations for any next xvar. It has been revealed that the subsidised merchant marine gets such financial help on condition that the ships conform in design to naval requirements. Every American shipowner who applies for a loan to build a new vessel has to submit the plans to the U.S. Navy Department. Sections of the deck arc reinforced as gun platforms, and the subdivision of the hull is extended to provide defence against torpedoes, the extra cost of such modifications :

being borne by the State. One of

these subsidised merchantmen

which recently entered service was described by an American admiral [as “a naval cruiser in all hut I name.” The underlying purpose of [the United States subsidy system has been frankly revealed by Mr.R. Stanley Dollar, who, as president of three of the greatest American shipping concerns, speaks with exceptional authority. In a speech at San Francisco he said: “The nation’s navy could not operate without the support of the merchant marine auxiliary in time of war. The money paid to American ships in mail contracts is but ' a very small percentage of what 4 it would cost the Government to build and maintain a naval auxiliary fleet. All these vessels are built on plans approved by the United States Navy? They are subject to call at all times. They are a potential part of the United States Navy.” This solves the mystery of the “subsidised shipping,” and supplies another reason why British Empire lands should act warily before encouraging these foreign vessels’ trading.. The British Admiralty has no supervision of the construction of British mercantile ships, and the Government does not grant subsidies. It may be said that the United States is at liberty to spend what she likes on naval armaments, but the facts of the situation do not tally with Mr. Roosevelt’s professed, ideals, and they do not qualify him to censure Other Powers’ expenditure.