Thank you for correcting the text in this article. Your corrections improve Papers Past searches for everyone. See the latest corrections.

This article contains searchable text which was automatically generated and may contain errors. Join the community and correct any errors you spot to help us improve Papers Past.

Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image

BRITAIN’S FOREIGN POLICY.

Attention has been drawn to similarity in points of Britain’s foreign policy expressed by Mr Neville Chamberlain and George Canning, who was Foreign Minister from 1822 to 1827. This is a matter of particular interest just now when politics in Europe are so highly

complicated and the position is so delicate. Addressing the House of Commons on July 20, the Prime Minister spoke clearly and emphatically. “ Let no one, either in this country or elsewhere, for one moment imagine that, though we seek peace, wo are willing to sacrifice, even for peace, British honour and British vital interests. . . . Hay by day the armed strength of this country becomes more formidable. . . . But

while that tremendous power we are accumulating remains there as a guarantee that wc can defend ourselves, if we are attacked, we are not unmindful of the fact that though it is good to have a giant’s strength, it is tyrannous to use it like a giant. Our aims are not less peaceful, but no one can imagine that wo have reason to fear any foe.” George Canning once pronounced: “ Let it not be said that we cultivate peace because we fear or are unprepared for war. . . . There exists a power to be wielded by Great Britain more tremendous than was perhaps ever yet brought into action in the history of mankind. Bub though it may be excellent to have a giant’s strength it may bo tyrannous to uso it like a giant.” This was clearly a case of two great minds thinking alike, for when Mr Chamberlain’s attention was drawn to the passages in Canning’s oration, he said ho had never read them, and added that .they “indicate simply the continuity of English thought in somewhat similar circumstances, even after an interval of more than a hundred years.” The British national policy has been one of non-intervention and of the patronage if not actual support of national and liberal movements in Europe. Neutrality, but not indifference, was the keynote. Canning insisted openly on the right of Britain to intervene when nonintervention was violated by European Powers. For instance, when the Portugese constitutionalists appealed for British help in 1825, in their struggle with absolutism, Canning refused aid, but sent to the Tagus a naval squadron, whose presence prevented the French from intervening on the other side. British public sentiment, broadly, has been based on sympathy with all down-trod-den peoples in a struggle for freedom, as in the case of Italy in the days of Garibaldi and Mazzini, of Poland, in her darkest days, and of the Greeks, Armenians, and others who suffered from tyranny and oppression. Europe contains such a mixture of races, many of them of fierce fighting stock, that the intervals of complete peace among them have been rare.

An illustration of racial disagreements which has a bearing on the position in Central Europe to-day is contained in a book by a Bohemian abbot of long ago. He wrote in 1417: “The enmity between these two races and languages of Germans and Czechs is of long-stand-ing and very deep-seated. For as the Jews have no dealings with the Samaritans, so the very sight of a Gorman is grievous to a Czech.” When past events are remembered it will be realised how great is the need for wisdom and good judgment in dealing with Britain’s foreign policy, the foundations of which,' if not laid by Canning, were" greatly strengthened by him. It has been well said that Portugal owed to Canning' her security, Greece and the Sbuth American republics their existence, while it was owing to his influence thart the Holy Alliance was dissolved and liberalism introduced into European diplomacy, for he was the first statesman to advance, the ■ doctrine of nationality, Mr Chamberlain is not the Foreign Minister, hutthe responsibility for the direction of policy lies with him. It is fortunate for the Empire that ho is a statesman of experience, who has the capacity for remaining cool and detached in the midst of what is undoubtedly a crisis in Europe, and who will follow a path that, directed to peace, will at all costs maintain the integrity of the Empire.

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/ESD19380910.2.97

Bibliographic details

Evening Star, Issue 23059, 10 September 1938, Page 16

Word Count
697

BRITAIN’S FOREIGN POLICY. Evening Star, Issue 23059, 10 September 1938, Page 16

BRITAIN’S FOREIGN POLICY. Evening Star, Issue 23059, 10 September 1938, Page 16

Help

Log in or create a Papers Past website account

Use your Papers Past website account to correct newspaper text.

By creating and using this account you agree to our terms of use.

Log in with RealMe®

If you’ve used a RealMe login somewhere else, you can use it here too. If you don’t already have a username and password, just click Log in and you can choose to create one.


Log in again to continue your work

Your session has expired.

Log in again with RealMe®


Alert