RILING GERMANY

Evening Star, Issue 22798, 5 November 1937, Page 12

RILING GERMANY

NAZIS OR MODERATES? THE PLAGE OF HITLER Two questions agitating the Chancelleries of Europe since the beginning of the year are again brought to the fore by the fresh alarms of recent days, says a writer in the ‘ New York Times.’ The abrupt postponement of Foreign Minister von Neurath’s well-advertised visit to London and the second withdrawal of Germany and Italy from the naval patrol of Spain, just after they had resumed co-operation with Britain and France, underline once more queries this correspondent has heard echoing and re-echoing in every capital. Who really rules Germany? This is the first question put to foreign observers in the Reich when they strike other capitals. The British, to whom it is of vital interest, are constantly changing their minds on this point. Latterly they have become convinced that the so-called “moderates” in the Berlin Government, meaning in reality its non-Nazi elements—the officials of the Foreign Office, Dr Schacht and the business and banking interests he represents, the general staff_ and the army commanders—are gaining over the party men in power and authority. THEY WERE REASSURED. The German attitude in the Nonintervention Committee satisfied the British. General von Blomberg on his recent visit persuaded them that the army opposed intervention and favoured liquidating German participation as quickly as possible. The persistent pro-German elements in the British ruling class, believing that England’s safest policy is to make friends with Germany, argued that British interests are best served by strengthening the moderates in Berlin. Their arguments are powerfully reinforced by the astounding revelations of internal chaos in Russia and by the financial crisis in France. “ If for any reason France cannot count on Russia, or we cannot count on France,” a member of the British Government told the writer three months ago, “ we shall be forced to reorient our policy.” Mr Chamberlain inclined to this view. The approaches made to Berlin since ho became Prime Minister signify his desire to make a fresh beginning towards improving Anglo-German relations. The von Neurath visit was intended to publicise this intention. Since the Baron typifies the moderates in contrast to Hitler’s envoy, Herr von Ribbentrop, it was also intended to emphasise which Germany London prefers to recognise. A SECOND SNUB. The postulates on which this turn towards Germany is based, that power in the Reich is passing into the hands of tho Conservatives and that Germans desire above everything to be on good terms with England, have now received a sharp jolt. For the second time the Hitler Government has administered a public snub to the Power it is supposedly yearning to placate In 1935, under pretext of a cold Hitler suddenly called olf the visit of Sir John Simon, then Foreign Secretary, until after Germany had scrapped Versailles and proclaimed conscription. At that time, to the consternation of Europe, Britain had swallowed the rebuff, and sent her representatives to Berlin when the Fuhrer was ready to receive them. The precedent makes the British a little nervous as to the reason for the present postponement. They wonder whether the moderates do prevail, whether Germany does pine for British friendship. The answer to tho second question is still yes. There is no reason to doubt that the keystone of Hitler’s policy, now as when ho charted it in ‘ Mein Kampf,’ is understanding with England. But on each occasion when tho door is opened he sees an opportunity to meet tho British on better terms if ho waits. _ Obviously tho fall of- Bilbao, coinciding with the weakening of tho Franco-Soviet Pact, encourages him to hope for an insurgent victory in Spain, and hence a more advantageous trading position in London. THE MYSTIC HITLER. Moreover, although Hitler has been shrewd enough not to displace a Foreign Minister holding over from the old regime, and Baron von Neurath’s influence’ has steadily increased, the Fuhrer makes his own foreign policy. Germany revolves around the conflict of opposing groups, but the crux of the struggle is that all are trying to rule through Hitler. He is not an administrator. More an’d more he shirks details and contacts and retires to his mountain to meditate and pontificate. ' But in important policies his is the decisive voice. When Schacht, von Neurath, and von Blomberg have their way it is because they convince him. In interqhl policies the Nazi extremists. have never had the free hand

they have to-day, and that is likewise by his will. He is quite capable of reversing moderates and extremists alike on a “ hunch ” without consulting anybody. Hitler rules Germany. But in the Rome-Berlin partnership, which is the dominant , partner, Hitler or Mussolini? That is the second question. Which pushes forward and which restrains? In Spain, until recently, one would have said Germany was dragged in and kept in by Italy. England believed in the greater moderation of Germany, and approached Berlin in a move to isolate Italy. Apparently this effort has failed. The Rome-Berlin axis holds, indicating that for the moment the two dictators consider themselves a match for Britain and France. Perhaps it is Mussolini who has prevailed over the German moderates.