The Evening Star MONDAY, OCTOBER 16, 1933. GERMANY DEFIES THE POWERS.

Evening Star, Issue 21543, 16 October 1933, Page 8

The Evening Star MONDAY, OCTOBER 16, 1933. GERMANY DEFIES THE POWERS.

It is a dramatic and for the moment almost a stupefying bolt which Germany has hurled into the councils of the Allies by the decision of her Government to break loose alike from the Disarmament Conference , and from the League of Nations. The crisis which was threatening the conference has indeed been brought to a head. In the matter of the League Germany has followed Japan, Sudden as the bolt has been, however, it can hardly be colled a holt from the blue. The difficulties of the conference, which wero bad enough from the first, were enormously intensified from the time when Herr Hitler’s party, shrieking against the treaty and extolling militarism, began to be a power in Germany. The tirades of its leader against Jews were not much shriller than some of his earlier tirades against France, The difficulties of the conference had every prospect cf becoming insuperable when that party, aided by the Nationalists who, more than anybody else, made the last war, became the only power in Germany. It is obvious that in the later stages of discussions all the obstacles to agreement had come from Germany. In spite of the fears which she had cause to feel at the revival of tho old spirit across her border, France had made increasing concessions. In principle, equality of armaments had already been conceded to her former foe. France was willing not to increase her armaments for a period during which all tho armaments of all the Powers would be subject to international supervision. If, at the end of that time, it was shown that Germany was not adding to her weapons—which France Strongly suspected her of doing—sho would be willing to make large reductions in hor own Sir John Simon hoped that this probationary period might be made as short as two years. Tho proposal finally submitted to the conference by Sir John Simon Was for a preparative and probationary period of four years, which might be shortened, followed by another four years in which disarmament would bo actively pursued. It is obvious that the reconstitution of armies on virtually a militia basis, to make them uniform, was not a ptransformation that could be quickly performed.

The French, Italian, and American viewpoints all went a long way in their concessions to Germany, but nothing but immediate equality would suit Herr Hitler’s Government, and its defiance was immediately launched. The Reichstag has been dissolved, and a confirmation of the Government’s attitude will be sought from the people, by means of new elections and a referendum, fixed ingeniously for November 12 —the day following the anniversary of the “ shameful ” armistice, when national megalomania can be expected to be at its height.

There would be no doubt of confirmation of tho Hitler defiance being accorded on any day that it might be required. The scores of thousands in the concentration camps, it is safe to assume, will not vote on that issue, or will bo very careful how they vote. Scores of thousands of refugees will have no voice regarding it. All tho parties in Germany except the Hitlerites have been disestablished. Tho way has been very well prepared for this last act of reaction over a number of years. Mr Edgar Ansel Mowrer, in his new book, ‘ Germany Puts the Clock Back,’ asks who was responsible for Germany going back to the pre-war spirit as she has done, and ho replies: “ Unquestionably the co-authors of the entire German reaction, including both Hitler and the barons, were the allied makers of the Versailles Treaty and the early Germany Republicans.” The war, ho suggests, should have been carried to Berlin, which would have avoided tho legend of an “ undefeated ’’ army. It is easier to urge that now than it was at the time. The Treaty might at some points have been more generous, but it has been modified again and again. The mistake of the Republicans was that they never attempted to curb the power of the military class, which, like all Germans, they revered too much to attempt to restrain it. ‘‘ What can bo said,” he asks, “for a republic that allows its laws to be interpreted by Monarchist judges, its Government to be administered by oldtime functionaries brought up in fidelity to the old regime; that watches passively while reactionary school teachers and professors teach its children to despise the present freedom in favour of a glorified feudal past; that permits and encourages the revival of the militarism that was chiefly responsible for the country’s previous humiliation? . . . This remarkable repub-

lie paid generous pensions to thousands of ex-officers and Civil servants who made no bones of their desire to overthrow it. . . . It tolerated the

presence of a whole group of semi-mili-tary organisations, under the pretext that excepting the ‘ Communists ’ they all were • patriotic ’ and furthered the military spirit. ... It hedged on

the question of its own flag and shared the honours with a ‘ commercial ’ flag closely copied on the Imperial Ensign. And it encouraged a good-natured people to howl for a foreign policy of immediate treaty revision as its ' unanimous demand,’ ” The Hitlerites have completed, deliberately, what the weakness of the Republicans began. In a sense it is only a gesture, so far, mat is represented by Germany’s withdrawal from the League. She was anxious enough to join it. Technically she cannot leave it for two years. Long oefore that time lias elapsed she may ihink better of a policy of isolation. She has a right to leave the Disarmament Conference if she wishes. Only when she begins to rearm, if sho intends to do so, will that become a matter for restraint by the Powers. It is amusing to hear Herr Hitler on tiie “ fanatical loyalty ” [to the Treaty] with which she destroyed her war material. That was done under control of an Allied Commission, and evasions were complained of for years. Whether die Disarmament Comerence will go on, and seek a convention apart from Germany, or whether it will dissolve, leaving the way clear for a new race in armaments which would be one of the worst calamities, is still undecided, but the conference is meeting to-day The League will be weakened by this second withdrawal. An attack by Germany upon any of her neighbours is not to be • eared. At the moment she has not the strength if sho had the will. She lacks heavy armaments, and the French fortresses are stronger to-day than in 1914. She holds no truck with Russia. Sho might find a sympathiser in Japan, who is far a way,, watching the Soviet troop trains draw up on the Manchukuan border, but she finds none in the Western world. It is a bad pass, however, in which the world finds itself fourteen years after the “ Peace.”