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EMPIRE POLICY.

Loed Paemooe, who was a member of Mr Ramsay MacDonald’s Cabinet, and one of the authors of the Geneva Protocol, has raised some questions of great importance in the course of a controversy regarding the dominions and the Locarno Pact. He elaborates a point that is indisputable when he says that the mere insertion of a clause not binding the dominions cannot alter the fact that if Britain is at war they aro the enemies of Britain’s enemies, though they need not send troops to the aid of the Mother Country. He expresses the opinion further that if the dominions intend to pursue an independent course in the matter of foreign policy, then international law must be adjusted so that they will not automatically be drawn into war when Britain is involved. On the other hand, if the dominions are to be hound by the foreign policy of Britain, he contends that they should have the right to demand that Britain should go to their assistance in time of need, giving as an illustration the possibility of Australia coming into conflict with Japan. Lord Parraoor evidently has in mind the day when Labor shall again hold office in Britain, for his remarks are suggestive of the ideas hold by some of the most prominent members of tho British parliamentary Labor group on tho question of Empire policy. Tho desire of the dominant political party in the Mother Land is to see a united Empire, prompted by common interests, and without curtailment of individual liberty, acting in accord in cases of emergency when outside influences threaten the common good. Labor’s attitude, as indicated in tho words of Mr Ramsay MacDonald and some of-his colleagues, is that the question of a united Empire is of less importance than adherence to the principle of selfdetermination and a movement towards ultimate and complete independence. In his statement to the House of Commons revealing the meaning and purpose of the • Locarno treaties, Sir Austen Chamberlain made brief reference to the dominions and tho Pact. He said that it was the 'desire of the British Government, before sending its delegates to Locarno, to confer with the Governments of the dominions and of India. Time would not permit of that being done, but care had been taken to inform those Governments in tho fullest possible manner of all that was passing. Their liberty and freedom of action were safeguarded specifically under the treaty. It was recognised that only their own Governments, acting with the authority of their own Parliaments, could undertake for them the obligations that the House of Commons could undertake for Great Britain. Sir Austen Chamberlain expressed the hope that the matter might be fully discussed when the next Imperial Conference was set up, a meeting that it was desirable should not be too long delar'ed. To-day we are informed by the cables that the latest developments in foreign affairs has impressed the British Cabinet with the desirability of arranging another Imperial Conference as quickly as is practicable. The need is obvious, for many problems of serious moment confront the Empire. In addition to Locarno,

tbo questions of a disarmament conference, Empire defence (particularly in its relation to the Pacific, tbo Singapore base, and naval policy), migration, and Empire trade call for discussion at the conference table. They cannot bo adjusted in any satisfactory way by correspondence, but a direct exchange of views between Britain’s statesmen in office and tho Prime Ministers of tbo dominions should, as in the wise of past conferences, dissolve the mists of ignorance and misunderstanding, and show how far it is possible to go in tbo way of mutual cooperation and support. Tbo difficulties of mterimporial consultation have boon a fruitful cause of discussion for many years. When the dominions were younger tbo attitude of the British Government suggested that its idea was that they should bo seen and not heard. As they havo come to maturity a now spirit has manifested itself, and aloofness . and indifference havo been replaced by’ cordiality and courteous consideration. But no scheme for efficient consultation has yet been devised. Many havo been suggested, but the theories advanced were found impossible of application. The ‘ Round Table ’ declares that the moral of Locarno is that tho question of placing interimperial communications on a sensible and practical basis should bo tackled without delay. It suggests that tho simplest way of doing so is that the Dominion High Commissioners should bo accredited to the British I oreign Office in a diplomatic capacity, and should devolve most of thoir commercial duties on, a second in command, and that a British High Commissioner should bo sent to every dominion capital to take over from tbo GovernorGeneral the duty of being tbo diplomatic intermediary between the London and dominion Governments. This question of consultation alono would furnish sufficient ground for the calling of the conference j but, as has been indicated, there are many other important issues that need early attention.

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/ESD19260109.2.49

Bibliographic details

Evening Star, Issue 19143, 9 January 1926, Page 6

Word Count
832

EMPIRE POLICY. Evening Star, Issue 19143, 9 January 1926, Page 6

EMPIRE POLICY. Evening Star, Issue 19143, 9 January 1926, Page 6

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