COURT, NOT LEAGUE

Evening Star, Issue 18259, 26 April 1923, Page 8

COURT, NOT LEAGUE

MR HARDING’S DECLARATION. AMERICA’S VIEW EXPLAINED. Press Association—By Telegraph—Copyright NEW YORK, April 24. President Harding, speaking at a newspaper publishers’ meeting, opened the campaign for American adhesion to the World Court by service of notice on members of his own party who are opposing the proposal, to which he is irrevocably committed. The President referred to the series of Republican campaign platforms since 191 G which said that he approved of the peaceful settlement of international disputes. Ho also quoted his own presidential campaign speeches favoring the creation of an International Association arid World Court while disapproving of the League of Nations. Continuing, President Harding said: compliance with its pipages, the now Administration has definitely decided to put aside all thought of the United States entering the League of Nations. It does not propose to enter now by a sido door, back door, or cellar door. I have no unseemly comment to offer on the League. If its serving of the Old World will help, more power to it, but it is not for us. The Senate has so declared, and the Executive lias so declared. Nothing could bo _ more decisively stamped with finality.” President Harding then referred to the Washington Arms Conference, declaring that the United Slates gave the world an example of the conference way to poaeo which time would appraise as a supreme accomplishment. Referring to the establishment of a World Court and the presence. of an American judge in it, President Harding declared: “Perhaps the Court is not all that some advocates _of the Court plan would have, but it is m a largo measure the fulfilment and the inspiration we have long boasted; so I thought, and I still think, wo ought to bo a party to au agreement to assume our part in its maintenance, and to give to its benefits such influence as our size, wealth, and ideas may prove to be. For mere eligibility to appeal to tire Court nothing is needed. It does not seem fair to seek its advantages without accepting all becoming responsibilities; and hoio develops the stumbling block. Naturally we wish to participate in the selection of judges and electors. The delegates are members of tho League. Wo have no thought of joining the League. Wo seek none of its offerings, and will accept none of its obligations.” The President said he could propose no solution to tho signatory Powers because the world had witnessed with disappointment tho spectacle of tho Executive proposing and tho Senate disposing. It was not desirable to make some proposal abroad that could not bo carried out, so very informally and very discreetly the situation was felt out over a considerable period of time, and when satisfied there was an appropriate course of action without connection witli the League provided the Senate consented to tho proposal ad-1 horonce to the Court protocol, and 1 asked tho Senate’s consent. It was pointed out that no rights or obligations under the League would bo incurred, but to make certain that America would not bo involved, the Secretary of State’s letter .suggested a suitable reservation affording an j ample guaranty. “This is a complete recital of its harmony with the platform pledge and candidatorial Eiises,” said the President, “ and 1 ve of American aspirations.

“ The excessive friends of the League have beclouded the situation by _ the unwarranted assumption that it is a move towards League membership. Let them disabuse their .minds, because there is no such thought among us who must make up our commitments abroad. The situation likewise is beclouded by those who shudder excessively when the League is mentioned, and they assume that entanglement is unavoidable. Any entanglement would first require the Senate’s assent. If by any chance the Senate approved aiiy entanglement the present Administration would not ratify it. Frankly there is one political bugbear. When we discussed the Longue of Nations I myself contended as a Senator for equal voting power on the part of the United States with any nation of the world. With her dominions the members of the League i Assembly, the British Kmpire will have six votes in that branch of the Court! electorate, but it has only one in the Council electorate. As no nat'ou can have more than one judge, it is a less formidable objection than when applied to the League as a super Power. I appraise the objection as one who voted against tiio disparity of power in the League Assembly, but in the appraisal now 1 do not hesitate to say that if the other great Powers can accept without fear of the .British Dominions’ voting strength, when they are without tics of race to minimise international rivalries and suspicions, wo ought, in view of the natural ties with the English-speaking kinship, fed ourselves free from danger. A perfect Court must bo a matter of development. I earnestly commend it because it is a great step in the right direction towards the peaceful settlement of I justiciable questions and the elimination of the frictions which lead to war. A surer agency of international justice through the application of the law can bo hoped for in arbitration. By counteracting the influences and prejudices of men, and expediency in policy wo can do vastly .memo to help in our rapacity of an cd-i herent than in tlio aloofness in • which we arrogate to ourselves the i right to say to the world we dictate j but never comply. I

“ I would yield none of our rights and none of our nationality, but I would gladly give of our inihience and cooperation to move forward and upward towards a world peace and a reign of justice which is infinitely more secure in the rule of national honor than in notional or international force. I have indulged in the dream, nay, the justifiable hope, that of an encouraged and sustained Court might came tlio fulfilment of larger aspirations In proof of its utility and its spirit of concord among the nations might come that voluntary conference of nations, out of which could be expected a clarified and codified international law further to assure peace under the Jaw and bring tlio nations to that understanding which is ever the first and the best guarantor of peace.” President Harding declared that he had little patience with the contention of ' those who believed that commercial advantages woro attainable by n larger assumption of world responsibility. The nations woro not engaged in bartering trade advantages for larger fellowship. “We do not do it ourselves,” added President {larding, “ and we need not ask what we do not give. A restored Europe would add to the volume of world commerce. Our influence and helfulness aro ready when they will avail, but we cannot intrude where we ourselves would resist intrusion. President Harding’s speech is regarded as one of the strongest of any made by a peace-time President.—A. and N.Z. Cable.