WHY AMERICA ENTERED IRE WAR

Evening Star, Issue 16778, 5 July 1918, Page 8

WHY AMERICA ENTERED IRE WAR

FOR THE PROTECTION OF WEAK NATIONS

AND IN DEFENCE OF RIGHT. TELLING INDICTMENT OF BUN TREACHERY AND FRIGOTFULNESS. AN ARRESTING DOCUMENT.

The action of {lie United States Government in issuing an authoritative document ip support of the President's policy in recommending Congress to declare war against the Teutonic Empires has been universally endorsed. -And no more fitting time—the anniversary of the Declaration of Independence—could have been chosen for circulating in British-speaking countries this illuminating, incontrovertible, and imposing arraignment of Hun perfidy, and ior the exposure of bis manifold • rimes against humanity. Let every lover • Right read, mark, and inword'y digest fh - historic document, together with the copious citations of fact that accompany it. These annotated texts are supplied by M: liny S. Ford, Director of the Division in t ivic and Educations! Co-operation, (Continued from yesterday’s issue.) v ‘. hen I addressed the Congress on the Puiu of February last 1 thought it would s’ u --a to assert our ncinvr.l rights with p ana, our right to use the seas against unlawful interference, our right to keep ” i” people safe against ur.lawful violence, inn armed neutrality, i: now appears, is ■ ;'! aclicabie. i 7J > INvau.-o subaiarinp.p.'v in effect outlaws, when us-.4 as the- {'■ • • nn submarire-s have been used agamst merchant shipping, it is impossible to defend ships .',.g:nst their att s- -'s, as the law of ratio;:* has assumed 1;.; merchantmen would defend them-,-f-lves against privateers or enii-or?; visible craft giving chase upon the opm: si.i. it is common prudence in such e:mr-n-----ipu'es, grim necessity indeed, to <-n- ---.. • >■ or to destroy them before they have . spawn their own intention. They must he .* 't with upon eight, if dealt with at all. /’I J In 1798. on uccnmt of ihe ;irtacks on United States commerce by French ■ re and privateers, Congress t mpowerni Pac-:ilt3ut John Adams to aim merchant ve.--to let them defend thcniselves. and to 1-u. 1 rited States warships attack the offending French vessels. The German Government denies the : : ’I of neutrals to use arms at all within t - areas of tho sea which it has prosp -ii 'd, even in the defemv of rights [ h : ch no modern publicist has ever before i::ie>tioned (15) their rights to defend. I The intimation is conveyed that the I armed guards ’which we have placed on j • ■■it merchant ships will be treated as be-! y,m-i the pale of law and subject to be j dealt with as pirates would be. Armed la nt rality is ineffectual enough at best: in sr .-li circumstances and in the face of I suck pretensions it is worse than in-ftT-ctual; it is likely only to produce what 1 it was meant to prevent: it is practically I • main to draw us into war without either | rights or tho effectiveness of belli-! g. mts. There is one choice wo ran not j m.'T’. we are incapable 0; making- : vw : i! cot choo«a the path of subinissimi and i-.:gw the most sacred rights of our naand our people to be ignored or 'iNvi.xl. (Uj) The wrongs against which ■■ ■ c >v array ourselves arc no common 'they cut to the very roots of ppppu; life. 1 ," J Before the outbreak of the war the f.p’ ving were the standing orders on the I. iiiian navy mr dealing with even cu-pimv m ■•*. a .iilt veese-D, and if that was the co-’p li.iv.- much more consideration should bo triv-.-u a .. ra'.s? The new German orut-vs are n V op;’ contradiction of their own previous pr-'-' pit: ' if ;>i, armed enemy merchant ve-scl oifers ii iii-oi resinaric-a, . . . such resistance is i-i- ..-.•■•.rcoms with all means available. . . The crew are to be taken prisoners 0; The passengers are to be left to g! : re, unless it- appears that they pnnirli.:s;td in the resistance.” {German Prize Cone, Berlin, June 22, 1311) ■■ It--; wo proceeding '0 die, destruction of t'- g’-iitiaj) vessel (whi’h ha* L<vn stiz for ia r 1. ason), the satetv of Mi perscus on board and. a.s far as possible, their effects j- N g. v.ded for.” (IfciJ.) Hr Wfbbcrg. a great German amhority on i'P--ri’K)nil lav.-, w r 1 ’ -1-; “The enemy mer--1; ; 1 ; .dup has the right of dt fence against ■pi-’iiv a truck, and this right it can exercise ■ ’visit’ (i.e., being stepped and in- . ’.lj, for this is indeed :ho first act o' ’.re. The attack'd me:c;uiur ship can , :. ;elf seize the u\ crpuwtrcd warMup 1 a 1 r„:'.g.’ A "’. a,, at Oxford in 1313, nt a 0: the Inst.tuM or Tntcrniition.d ,-p.v, at which the repia-iinagves of Gcr-r-ipy were prcs-?nc as w.E as of all tho alar great nations, it was decided as a firm i 1 c.plc that private ves. oN may nor commit m’ - or hostility against the enemy, cud that may defend tUemeelres agauioO ms at0. an enemy vessel. Wit it a profound sense of the solemn ! >-vf-n tragical character of the step I •.. : : ng and of thv crave iv- r '' lP--,b:!i---lies which it involves, but in unhesitating obedience to what i <!e.;rn my < .i::,-t:iu li-uial duty, I advise that u;r- t'ongres* d.-ppire the recent course of the Imperial 1 ■-erme.Ti Government to be in fact Homing le-” than war a.g.mnst the Gr'Verunicnt and 1 ■ aa’p of the United Matos ; 117) that it formally accept the status of belligerent wi-’. ii has thus been thrust upon it ; and that it take immodiate steps not only to nir the country in a n-we ihcrnugii .-tate .o' .-i-fence, but also to exert all it? power met employ ai! it? resources to briny the i lovcrnment tho German .Empire to terms and end the war. (77} AV..~i ’o dared to 1. The mere c'-mmit icui of warlike or im’riend'y aers eguim'::.’:”- them. . • . The no si recent ii!i>-irat:on was the outbreak of 1 : ■ Rusio-Japancrc AVar. in 1301 the J, i.-ißcse auacksd the Russia 11 fleet before t i ’ii'ilp o. ar.d it vum sev Tai days after t. ; before war was " r- i ’ If tho m- s of Germany weiv. uii;ri>?;idly in the i-•.icr-Pt sense, war existed when the Picci>l”n: addressed Congress. What this will involve is clear. It will involve the utmost practicable co-opera-t '>n in counsel and action with the Governments now at car with. Germany, and as incident to that, the extension to those- ( u-ivemmeßts <•<; the most liberal financial • j edits, in, order that our resnmves may >i» far a? jh ■ ’■ -le be a-Ide-l to theirs. It will in-.Uve the organisation and mobilisation of 41 the material resources .►f the country to supply the materials of war and servo the incidental rued? of the Nation in the most abundant and yet tho most economical and efficient way possible. It will involve the immediate full equipment of the Navy in all respects, but particularly in supply!tig it with the best means of dealing with tho enemy’s submarines. It will involve the immediate addition to the armed forces or the United States, (IS) already provided for by lawin case of war, of at least 5G0.0C0 men, who should, in ray opinion, be chosen upon the principle of universal liability to service, and al-o the authorisation of subsequent additional increments of equal force so soon as they may bo needed and can be handled in training. It will involve also, of course, the granting of adequate credits (18) to the Government, sustained, I hone, so far as they can equitably be sustained by the present generation, by well-conceived taxation. (18) Here follows a list of the Bills passed by Congress to give legislative sanction to the Presidential policy. I say sustained so far as may bo equitable by taxation, because it seems to me that it would be most unwise to base the credits, which will now be necessary, entirely on money borrowed. It is our duty, I most respectfully urge, to protect our people, so far as we may, against the very serious hardships and evils which

would bo likely to arise out of tho inflation which would be produced by vast loans. In carrvin,g out tire measures by which these tilings ere to be accomplished we j should keen constantly in mind the wisdom of inter fori mg a? little as possible in our awn preparation and in tho preparation and in tho equipment of our own military forces with the duty—for it will bo a very practical duty— of supply ini: the nations'already at war with Germany with the materials which they can obtain only from us or by our essist- | unco. They are in tho field, and we 1 should help them in every way to bo effective there. ! 10j {l9) If iuivone will reflect on tha subject, it will soon appear to he preposte. ous foible. e.uggi>:t that wo "go it alone" against i Germany, and u> fail to give ail possible aid to her original enemies Obv;ou--!y, unless we send mura: ions, troops, submarine chafers, etc., to France. England, and po-sibiv Russ'a, sine; the Cm man high sea licet dees * net, at presui. come out, the war for us wo. j nu-a.ii linl” more than ca liny names across i the Atlantic—until the European War is i ended. and titer., if (Icnrnny his a nonr.d i of su-tug hj left, laud vciy possibly she i.iighi I be vk-orionsi. she can v.-iu on us, all her i bate and i’u y, auk t’Xiic; from the 1. su:.,d bttU-is the i; ;L mui;ics Me- cannot. wring t.'om i a baukv”[u- .Europe, do oovtous : ihe uii.iI tarv Kects-hv of’ giving every pcodble i-vlp j t,-i ihe jo; ,cm n:umes of Germany that. 1 tho-- vb'o to ilnvert this are almost open i 1,, He v-rry gaivo criminal chartF yd raving : aid ,;:.d - * 0- io tne cui rues o ■ tin- lui-tj : Suites. ! i sh ;11 take t’v- liberty of suggesting, i threer-h lb: >eve;.d oxerut j vc departments [ of th.' Oovarumctit, I'.”- the e-.u d, ; |,im, | .-■! v- nr emuniittees, lu-.-u.-eires for the ae-vragUsl iuvut of tire several obii ; ;ts > *- | have nita.uuncd. 1 h.oye mat it will be veeir i'!-e:-p.irc to de.il wilh them its having lean fivimd rf-.:- very careful thought bv l!-a> bran, hj .-ft ’;t> (’..•vornmeul up,-. : r wh-.iu : he- resmui übiiiiy cuiduct;nfg t!io war oral sale guard: eg t ; Noto’t’ | will ip .:o:,ly trul. i \\TiiV w--' •!.■> i"”S” tilings, these deeply ] nr uncut' ms tilings, let u-- he very ■ and make very ■•’ear to ail the '’.orld. v. hat our nr f ;ves and mar ob l ■ m a" • iMy own th-m.ht b;> :;-.t been dr;van 1 rt.ru its habitual ami mom'-. - p iise ’ey t!,e ualisinnv evu- <u -re 10-i 1 11 .month.-tied j 1 (lo im-L- he;:..vp tlwit Cue thought of tire | Nation has been altered or clouded by them. 1 bite e.\acC\ th-- -atne CCn.1 iii ntirvl now that I hud in mind wtvni [ j addressed the M-nate on tho 22u-.l of I .f.grnuu'v lasi ; tie- g.uuo tiutt 1 haul in j mind when F addressed ( (ingress on the ! 5 r 4 of i'cbcn irv and on the 26ih ox I February. raUJ

fjf>) On January 22, 1917, Mr U T-on ?p ’ke in favor 0: a league- to serine peace. On j-V-iouarv 3 L- .•«» ,uuc. d that he haul broken Gil dipkiuia’ic relation? with Germany, but- ex ore srd the eaninst hope that ibc i-.-u.'s 1:0; proceed to a da/sh of anile. On February 25 ho asked for “ iirm-.-l m-u----tea'i! E Lu: «ill avoided an actual ?tatc of war. Uur object- now, as then, is to vindicate tho p"ii: , .ap!’. , s of peace and justice in the lire of tho world as nga:u*t selfish amt rmtewraMC power, and to set- up among lb- ival’y free and .seif-governed peoples of the world such a concert of purpose end ox jmtion us will henceforth insure the obs t van eg of those principles. N-’nindity is no longer fee si bio or desirable where trio peace of the world is involved and tho freedom of its peoples, and tho menace to that peace and freedom lies in tho existence of autocratic government*, HI) backed by organised force which is controlled wholly by their will, not by tho will of their people. We have seen tho last of neutrality in snch circumstances. Wo are at the beginning of an age in which it- will be- insisted that the same standards of conduct ami of responsibility for wrong d’>ne shall be observed among nations and their (governments that are. observed among the individual citizens of civilised states. (.??) (71) Ceramist these two standard?: Beth- ! man!: llolh-vcg addressing the Reichstag, ; A’.icmt 4, 1314: ” AVo arc now in a state of ncccfigUy, and ncco-Wty knows no law. Our troops have ’-’"’■Mined ii-is 1, : aI) Luvemb'i’g, and inrlap? already lave enund Belgium tcrrilci.y. Gen- j ilciiicn. tld- is a breach of into, national law. ! The v.xong—l speak openly—die wrong we hereby c-ranch we will try to make, good as soon a? our rni.iiary a in, have h- - n attain’d. Ho who i? rm-naerd as wci arc, and u fighting for be? night ft posta-idon, cm nulv consider how he is to back has way through." , Or Frederick ihe Great, again, the aav.h- 1 prophet of Prussiani-m, speaking in 1740, and giving the keynote to ail h.> -’tec. - us ; "Tho question of tight is an ui;air ot Ministers. ... It k time to tonsuier a in s-pcrct, for the orders to mv troop? have been given.” And still again; ‘‘hake what you can; you are never wrong uu.cps you are obliged to give back.” (Perkins, ‘Franco Under Louis XV.,’ vol. 1, pp. lfcJ-170). 1 Against ti.E set the words of the firs: President of the Young American Repubi;--, speaking at a. tiii-e when the nation was so w: ak that purely any kind of shifts could bavo been just.lied on tho score of necessity. Said Goo ge Wa.’iiugtoii in Ids fust- .inaugural address (1789): ”... Tho foundation of our national po’icy will bo laid in the pure and i.nniu- ; table principles of private morality, and tho-pre-eminence of free government bo exempli- | tied bv all ibe attributes which can win tho aimed •■.•I:.? or it? cilizens iiiul ccmmdinj ilio ; r;.-.’j;f:cb of rh'j world. T dwell on this pros- ! poet Avir.h every ?ati?fpvotinn which an ludutit love for rny country oau inspire. since there 19 no tnrh nioro Uior-ng'hiy osh’ibliidicd than ; thfjfc there in th-e and course | or Nature an indissoluble union between j virtue and happiness: between duty and advantage; between rhe genuine maxims of an honest and magnanimous policy and the solid rewards of public prospwiiy and fell- | city; ginee wo ought to lie n-o less persuaded tint the propitious (smiles of Heaven ran - never bo expected on a nation that disregard? the ete rail rules of order and right which HeovcTi itsclt has onlained ; ami. since tho pro»crva'ion of the sacred fire of libcrtv and the destiny of rhe republieau mode! of government are justly considered, perh.ai«, ks deeply, as finally, slaked on the experiment '■" Trusted to the hands of the American people.”

Tho present war i? for a large part being waged to eevle whether tho Amr-ri -an or tho Prussian standard o? morality is. valid. 1 (77) The autocratic spirit of the German ! Emperor i? c’ea-ly revealed in bis own uttcr-nnce-t fcf. p. 17) The Imp-rial Government, is ia form a rnvrrnmrm. hy -be Emperor and H'-o Imperial Dirt. The dominant factor in the latter is the Federal Council fßanclr-wat). a -po'nted bv tho kings and princes. Hero, as King of Prussia, William H. can make or break any policy. Prussia its the controlling fnc f -o--, politi-al. economic, and military, in modern Germany. In area it constitutes twoHurd? of Germany, and !ive-ce-hfhe of its population and two-thirds of the members of the Lower Hot-b of the German Congress are Pniadans. AA’ithin Pru'-ia there is little bmit on In” nnwer of William IT. In a Con- 1 stirii+ion which his great-uncle “decreed” in 1S"0 the rights of tho King and of the , “Junkers” (tho feudal militarv nobles east I of the Elbe) are carefully ciia ded. I The Constitution of Prussia has remained practically unchanged, find the electoral districts and three ola-s voting system of nearly 70 year? ago evil exist. liberal industrial and socialistic elements in the great modern (Hfcies and manufacturing a-ea? tire without adequate representation in the Prussian Diet, and the, old country districts are practically “rotten boroughs” where the peasant who votes by voice, not. written ballot, is at the mercy of his feudal noble landlord. It is the latter who back the Throne and its autocratic power so long as the policy suits their narrow provinc'al militaristic views formed in tho days of Frederick the Great and his despotic father, and revived and glorified by Bismarck. ITo ba continued.)