WILSON’S ADDRESS.

Evening Star, Issue 16628, 10 January 1918, Page 6

WILSON’S ADDRESS.

SOLICITUDE FOR RUSSIA IN HER YEARNING FOR PEACE AND CANDOR IN NEGOTIATION. GERMAN CHICANERY DENOUNCED. WASHINGTON , January 9. • (Received January 10,-at 8.50 a.m.) In his Address to Congress President Wilson said: The Russian representatives insisted very justly and very wisely, in the spirit of modem democracy, that the conferences they have been holding with the Teutonic and Turkish statesmen should be within open and not closed doors, and all the world has been the audience, as was . designed. To whom have we been listening—to those who speak in the spirit and with the intention of the resolutions of the German Reichstag of July 9 last, tho true spirit and intention of Liberal leaders and parties of Germany , or to t hose who resist and defy that spirit and intention and insist upon conquest and subjugation? Or are we listening, in fact, to both parties, unreconciled and in open and hopeless contradictions? These are very serious and pregnant questions, and upon the answer to them depends the peace of the. world. But, whatever the results of the parleys at, Brest-Litovsk, whatever the conclusions of the counsel and the purpose in tho utterances of the spokesman of the Central Empires, they have again attempted to acquaint the world with their objects in the wax; they have again challenged their adversaries to say what their objects are, and what sort of settlement they deem just and satisfactory. There is no good reason why' that challenge shordd not be -responded to with tjie utmost candor. We did not wait for it. Not once, but again and again, we have laid our wholejLhought and purpose before the world, not in general terms only, but each time with sufficient definition to make clear what sort of definitive terms of settlement must necessarily spring out of them. Within . the last week Air Lloyd George has spoken with admirable candor of spirit for the people and Government of Britain. There is no confusion of counsel among the adversaries of tho Central Powers, no uncertainty of principle, no vagueness of detail. The only secrecy of counsel, the , only lack of fearless frankness, the only failure to make a. definite statement of the ■; objects of the war, lies with Germany and her allies. The issues of life and death hang upon these definitions. No statesman who has the least’ conception of Ins responsibility ought for a moment to permit himself to continue this tragical outpouring of blood. and treasure, unless he is sure beyond that the objects of this vital sacrifice are part and parcel of the very life of society, a>»d that the people for whom he speaks think them as right and imperative as he does. There is. moreover, a voice calling for -these definitions of principle and purpose which seems to me more thrilling and more compelling than any of the many moving voices with which all the troubled world ie filled—namely, the voice of the Russian people. They are prostrate and all but hopeless before the grim power of Germany, yet their soul is not -subservient. They'will not yield, either in principle or action, their conception of what is right. . of what is human and honorable for them to accept. It has been stated with a frank-, ness, largeness of view, generosity of spirit, and universal human sympathy which must challenge the admiration of every friend of mankind. They refused to compound their ideas or desert others that they themselves might be safe. They call to us to say what we desire, in what our purpose and spirit differ from theirs. . and I believe the people of tho United /States would wish me to respond with utter simplicity and frankness. Whether their present leaders believe it or not, it is our heartfelt desire and hope that some way* may be opened whereby we may be privileged to assist the people of Russia ■to attain their utmost nope of liberty and ®rdered peace. It will be our wish and purpose that the process of peace, when begun, shall he absolutely open, and to permit henceforth to secret understandings, of any kind. The day of conquest and aggrandisement is gone, also the day of secret covenants entered into in the interest- of particular governments, likely -at some unlooked-for moment to upset the peace of the world. We entered this war because violations of lights occurred which touched us to the quick, and made the life of our own people impossible unless they were corrected and the world secured once for all against their recurrence. What we demand in this war, therefore, is nothing peculiar to ourselves. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live in; particularly, that it bo made jafe for every peace-loving nation which, like our own, wishes to live its own life and determine its own institntions. POST-WAR CONDITIONS. REPARATION IN FULL. TRADE EQUALITY. DISARMAMENT AND OPEN SEAS. Assured of justice and fair dealing by . ,-the other peoples of the world against the ; agents of force and selfish aggression, all 1 the, peoples of the world will in effect \be partners in this interest; and, for our 'own part, we see vary clearly that unless (justice is -done to others it will not fce jdone to us. The programme of the world’s jpeace, therefore, is our programme. Tliat programme is the only possible programme, •As we see it, This must be open covenants of peace openly arrived at, after (which there shall be no private intermational understandings of any kind, but (diplomacy shall proceed always frankly in (the pobhc view. There must be absolute freedom of .navigation, in the seas outside and in Territorial waters, -alike in peace and war, ■except as the seas may be closed in whole tor part by international action for the enforcement of international covenants. I There must be a removal as far as posisible of all economic barriers and the ; ' establishment of equality of trade con-di-tions among all nations consenting to/ peace and associating themselves for its maintenance. ‘Adequate guarantees must be given and taken that national armaments shall be reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety. There must be a free, open-minded., and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, ■ based upon the strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have equal -weight with the equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined. . - There' must be evacuation by the Central Powers of jdl Russian territory, and such a settlement of all questions affecting Russia as will secure the best and freest co-operation of the other nations of the world in obtaining for her an unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the independent determination of her own, political development and national policy, and, assure her a sincere welcome mto the society of free nations under institutions -of her own - choosing. Russia should also be given assistance of every t4cirui treokuent-

accorded to Russia by her sister nations in the months to come will be the acid test of their good-will and their comprehension of her needs as distinguished irom their own interests. Belgium, .the whole world will agree, must be evacuated and restored, without any attempt to limit the sovereignty which she enjoys m common with all. other free nations. No other single act will servo as will this to restore confidence among the nations in the laws which they themselves set and determined for governing their relations with one another. Without this healing act the whole structure RTid validity of international lavr ‘will forover be impaired. -AlLPreTich territory should be freed, and the invaded portions restored. The wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in Alsace-Lorraine, which has unsettled the peace of the world for nearly 50 years, should bo righted, in order that peace may once more be made secure. In the interests of all, a readjustment of tho frontiers of Italy should be effected along ciearly recognisable lines of nationality. Tho peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among tho nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should bo accorded the freest opportunity for autonomous development. Rumania-, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated, and tho occupied territories restored. Serbia should be accorded free and secure access to the sea. and tho relations of the several Balkan btates determined by friendly 'counsel a nng the historically-established )i, leß () f allegiance and nationality: mid international guarantees of. the political and economic independence and territorial integrity of the several Balkan States should be entered into. The Turkish portions of the present Ottoman Empire should be assured of secure sovereignty, but other nationalities now under Turkish rule should be assured or undoubted security of life and of absolutely unmnle-sted onnortunitv for autonomous development. -The 'Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage for ships of commerce to all nations under international guarantees An independent Polish a-f ate s h ol pd he erected, which would include the territories inhabited by indisputably Polish populations, who should be assured of free and secure access to the sea. and whose political and economic independent and territorial integrity should fce guaranteed bv international covenant. c general association of nations must be lorrned, under specific covenants, for the purposes of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small ...States alike. AMERICA’S STAND. In regard to these essential rectifications of wrong and assertions of right, wo feel ourselves to, be the intimate partners of all the governments and peoples associated together against imperialists. We cannot be separated m interests or divided in purpose. We stand together until the end. i 4 oi such and covenants we are willing to fight, and will continue to right, until thev are achieved, but only because we wish Right to prevail, and desire a just and stable peace, such as can be secured only by removing the chief nrovnc.itions to war, which this programme does secure. Wo have no jealousy of German greatness. 1 here is nothing ip this programme tnat impairs it. Wo grudge her no achievement or distinction of learning or pacific enterprise, such ns has made her very bright and enviable. We do not- wish to injure her or to block in any "ay nov legitunutu , influence or power. Wc do not- wish to fight- her. either with a-rms or with hostile arrangements of trade. If she is willing to associate herself with us arffi ot-ner. peace-loving nations of th-e world in_ covenants of- justice, law, and fair dealings, we wish, her only to accept a, place of equality among’ the people of the world—the new world in which we now live—instead of a place of mastery. Neither do we presume to suggest to her any alteration or modification of her institutions ; but it is necessary that we must frankly say—and it is necessa,rv as a’ preliminary ’to intelligent dealing with her on our part—that w<T should know for whom her spokesmen speak, and when they speak to us whether it is for the Reichstag majority or for the military party ami the men whose creed is imperial domination. We have spoken now in terms too conto admit of any further doubt or question. An evident principle ’ runs through the whole programme. Wo have outlined the’ principle of justice to ail peoples and nationalities, their right to live on equal terms of liberty and safety with one another, whether they be strong or weak. Unless this principle is made its foundation, no part of the struggle for international justice can stand.” The people of the United States could 1 act on no other principle, and to vindicate this principle they are ready to devote their lives, their honor, and everything they possess. Tlie moral climax of this, the culminating, final war for human liberty, has come, and they are ready" to put their own strength, their own highest purposes, their own integrity and devotion to tho tost. AMERICA’S APPLAUSE. HOPE OF QUICK EFFECTS ON RUSSIAN AND GERMAN PEOPLE. WASHINGTON, January 9. (Received January 10, at 9.20 a.m.) Congressmen and officials agree that the main purpose of the President’s Message is to bind Russia to the Allies. America's sympathy for Russia may turn tho balance in the Allies' favor. Mr Gerard, ex-Ambassador at Berlin, describes it as the greatest document that President Wilson has produced, and says it should have a marked effect on tho people generally, and force the German Government to reply. Mr Penfield, ex-Ambassador at Vienna, aays the speech will win many waverers in Austria. The ‘New York Times’ commends the speech as a masterly attempt, but emphasises that the first condition of pence must be the downfall of Prussian militarism. It remarks that Mr Lloyd George's statement regarding Alsace was inadequate, and President Wilson supplies the deficiency. Alsace must- bo -returned to France. The paper adds; “Now that our war aims have been stated, let us combine all our resources for fighting the Germans.” The ‘New York Tribune’ says: “Tho Presidents Message is beyond praise. It is a second Emancipation declaration, and represents the aims of a hundred, million people'. To-day. as never before, the entire nation marches with the President.” The ‘ New York Worbl ’ says : “It is an invitation to tho Reichstag 'to assert its power. It voices the Allies,’ views after a conference by cable. President Wilson wisely refused to abandon the Russian people to German iutrigue.” The ‘ New York Herald ’ declares : “ The Russian people must understand the Message. It will test the sincerity of Trotsky and Lenin. Now is, a unique opportunity for the German .Socialists to deal with the Junkers.” TROTSKY’S INTENTIONS. NEW YORK, January 9. (Received January 10, at 9.25 a.m.) Dosch Fleurot reports from Petrograd that Trotsky’s purpose in going to BrestLitovsk is to unswervingly oppose German military control of the occupied districts. He will force the clear issue of peace or war when the Constituent Assembly meets xur J.amiaoalß