LLOYD GEORGE'S RESTATEMENT

Evening Star, Issue 16625, 7 January 1918, Page 6

LLOYD GEORGE'S RESTATEMENT

SPUR TO THE PEOPLE. WHY WE MUST "CARRY OR," Press Association—-By Telegraph—'Copyright. Australiau and N.Z. Cable Association and Eeuter.

' . ' "LONDON, January 5. " Mr Lloyd George, on behalf of the Goernment, made-an important statement Jo-day on Britain's war aims before the trade •unions' delegates at Westminster, j.whp will be presently considering tho question of man-power. The Prima Minister began by saying that when the Government incited organised Labor to further-assist in maintaining 'the strength, of the armies in the field, their representatives were entitled to ask that any misgivings regarding the purpose to-which this precious strength would be applied should be definitely clear. This was also true of all citizens of the country., iWhen millions were being called upon to Suffer and die, and vast populations were subjected to sufferings and privations unprecedented in the nation's history, they were entitled to know the causes for .which, they were making the sacrifices. Only the clearest and greatest justice of the causes could justify the continuance for even one day of this unspeakable agony of nations.

RUSSIA". " I will not attempt to deal with tho question of Russian territories under German occupation. Tho Russian policy since the revolution has passed through so many phases that it is difficult to speak without some suspension of judgment as regards what the situation will be when the final European peace terms are discussed Russia accepted the war because, true to her traoitional guardianship of the weaker communatiesof her race, she stepped in to protect Serbia from a plot against her independence. France, true to troatv conditions, stood by her Ally in a quarrel that was not her own Her chivalrous respect for a treaty led'to tho wanton invasion of Belgium, ? bM £ afcio » 3 of Great Britain to that little land brought us into the war. lhe present rulers of Russia are now engaged, without any reference to the countries whom Russia brought into the war, m separate negotiations with tho common enemy. lam indulging in no reproaches, but merely stating facts, with a view to making.dear why Great Britain cannot be field accountable for a decision taken in her absence and concerning which she was not consulted or her aid invoked. No one who knows Prussia and her designs upon Russia can for a moment doubt her ultimate intention. Whatever phrases she uses to delude Russia, she does not mean to surrender one of Russia's fair provinces or cities now occupied bv her forces. Under one name or another—and the name hardly matters—these provinces will henceforth m reality be part of the Dominion of Prussia, ruled by the Prussian sword m the interests of the Prussian autocracy. Th© remainder of the people of Russia will be partly enticed bv specious phrases and partly bullied by the threat of continued war- against an impotent army mtp a condition of complete economic and ultimate political enslavement to Germany. We all deplore the prospect. The British democracy mean to stand to tho last by the democracies of the other Allies. We shaH be proud' to fight to tho end side by side with the new democracy of Russia; so will America, France, and Italy. But if the present ruleTs of Russia take action independent of the Allies, we have no means of intervening to arrest the catastrophe assuredly befalling Russia. She can be saved only by her own people. However, we believe" that an independent Poland, comprising all the genuinely Polish elements who desire to form part, is an urgent necessity for the stability of Western Europe." AUSTRIA, "SinrJlarly, though we agree with President Wilson that to break up Hungary ia no part of our war aims, we feel that unless genuine, truly democratic self-government is granted to those AustroHungarian nationalities who have lons desired it, it is impossible to remove tlio causes of the unrest in that part of Europe which has so long threatened the general peace. On the same grounds we. regard |as vital the satisfying of the legitimate claims of the Italians for union with those of their own race and tongue. We also mean to press for justice to the men of Riimanian blood and speech in j their legitimate aspirations. If these conditions were fulfilled, Austria-Hungarv would become a Power whose strength would conduce to tie permanent freedom of Europe, instead of merely ail instrument of the pernicious military autocracy of Prussia, that has used the resources of Germany's allies.for the furtherance of its own sinister purposes. We believe that outside Europe the same principles should bo applied."

We had arrived at the most critical hour of this terrible conflict. Before any Government made a fateful decision regarding the conditions under which they ought to either terminate or continue the struggle, they ought to satisfy the conscience of the nation. Therefore, during the last few days he had taken special pains to ascertain the view and attitude of representative men of all sections of thought and opinion in the country. He had. further, perused in'detail with Labor leaders the meaning and intention of that declaration, and had also discussed the same momentous' question . with Mr Asquith. Viscount Grey, and representatives of the great Dominions overseas. The, result of these discussions was a national agreement as regards the character and purpose of the war aims and peace conditions, and in what he was about to say he was speaking not merely the mind of the Government, hut that of the nation and the Empire as a whole. ENEMY MISSTATEMENTS. •He would commence by stating what we wore not fighting for. We were not fighting, a war of aggression against the German people. The destruction or disruption of Germany or the German people had never been one of our war aims. We entered the war most reluctantly, and were unprepared for the dreadful ordeal We were farced into the war in self-de-fence—an defence of the violated public i-law of Europe, and In vindication of the ?L oSfc 8^ mn traaty obligations upon which the publio system of Europe rested, and , upon .which Germany had ruthlessly trampled in the invasion of Belgium. We had to Join the struggle or see brute force triumph over publio right and international justice. Only the realisation of She dreadful alternative forced Great Bri- ■ !!S_? lt^_ fcllo ar * From that original Bttrtnde Great Britain had never swerved It was not her wish to/question or destroy the great Germany held in the world, but rather to turn her from the Hopes and schemes of military domination ■ andsee her devote all her strength to the great and beneficent tasks of the world We were not fighting to destroy Anstria--Knngary or to deprive Turkey of Conatantinople, or rich, renownecf lands in Asia Minor and Thrace, which were predommanthr Turkish racially. Nor did we war merely to alter or destroy the imperial constitution of Germany, much as we considered that her military and autocratic constitution . w as a dangerous anachronism in the twentieth century. Our viewpoint was that the adoption of a really democratic constitution by. Germany ' 'ZfU 6 !^ 6^. evident that her old spirit of military domination was gone and would make it much easier to conclude a broad, democratic peace with tier. Uut that was a question for the German people to decide. Despite manv adjurations from opponents and neutrals, ! ■ the Central Empires maintained complete I silence as to the objects for which C are fighting. They had uniformly declined to give any trustworthy information, even ! upon so crucial a matter as their intention! as regards Belgium. The only clear fi ™,« va «" e . report 3 oi the recent enem? peace conditions was that under no cir?hrlT 6S r WOUI^th 6 Gteman demand foV the restoration of her colonies be given up All principles of self-detennination h?d vanished into thin air. Mere to the formula "No annexations or in! demmtiea" or the right of self-determina-tion was useless. Before any negotia?C con d-be begun the ■ Central Powers must reahse the essential facte of the sitaaUon "We can no longer submit," said }& Lloyd George "the future of Europe and, civilisation to the arbitrary decisions 0 f a' few negotiators striving to secure by chi- i canery or persuasion tlio interest of thts! . or that dynasty or nation. The settlement of the new Europe must be based upon such grounds of reason and justice as will give some promise of stabilitv. Therefore wo feel that government with the consent of the governed must be the basis of any territorial settlement after the war." REPARATION. "TMess every nation is prepared, at whatever sacrifices, to honor its national signature,, it is obvious that no' peace treaty is worth the paper upon which it is written.. Therefore the first xemiiremeait ■of Great Britain and her Allies is the complete restoration of the political, terri- : .tonal, and economic independence of Belgium, and enoh reparation as can be made for the devastation of hex towns and provinces. This is not a demand for a war! indemnity like that imposed in 187 L It is not an attempt to shift the cost of warlike from one belligerent to another, which may of may not be defenBible. It is no more and no less than insistence that before there can be any hope of a stable peace this great breach of the publi'j law of Europe must be repudiated and as far as possible repaired. Reparation means the recognition that unless international right is recqgnised by tlia insistence of payment for injury done in defiance of its canons it can never be a xeality. *.Kexi cosoes the restoration of Serbia, VioKCenegcS, and the occupied parts of ■yrance, Italy, and Rumania. The complete withdrawal of alien armies and reparation for_ injustice done is the fundamental condition of a permanent .peace. I We mean to stand "by the French Democracy to the death on the demand they make for reconsideration of. the great wrong of 1871, when, without any regard for the wishes of the. population, two French provinces were torn from France and incorporated in the German Empire. This poisoned the peace of Euprope for , half a century, and until it is cured healthy, conditions cannot be restored. . There can be no better illustration of the ;>. folly and wickedness of using transient ■- •. -.iutarjt rklik t.