EMPIRE PREFERENCE

Evening Star, Issue 16467, 4 July 1917, Page 6

EMPIRE PREFERENCE

NEW BRITISH POLICY. EREETRADE ABANDONED. A RADICAL CHANGE IN BRITAIN’S FISCAL POLICY. [Fnoti Odu Parliamentary Reporter.l WELLINGTON, July 3. Tho great change of opinion in Great Britain on tho question of tho fiscal policy of the Empire furnished the Prime Minister with a text for one of the most important and most interesting sections of his statement in the House of Representatives tliis afternoon.

Mr Massey’s contention was that the old Imperial policy of Freetrade had been shown ‘to have failed under the exigencies of war conditions. A resolution had been adopted by the recent Imperial Conference in favor of Preference as follows;

Tho time has arrived when all possible encouragement should bo given to the dcvclop.ment of Imperial resources, and especially to making the Empire dependent of other countries in respect to food supplies, raw materials, and essential industries. With these objects in view this- Conference express themselves In favor of (1) The principle that each part of the Empire (having due regard to the interests of our Allies) shall give specially favorable treatment and facilities to the produce and manufactures of other narts of the, Empire. (2) Arrangements by which intending emigrants from the' United Kingdom may be induced to settle in countries under the British flag. A MATTER FOR CABINET. When he himself brought the resolution before tho conference several members suggested that, as it involved a question of Imperial policy, it wou'd be better dealt with by tho War Cabinet, and this was dono with the concurrence of Mr Lloyd George. Tho War Cabinet appointed -a special sub-committee (under the presidency of Lord Milner) to deal with tho proposal. Mr Massey himself was a member of this sub-committee, all tho members of which did not entirely agree with Ins view’s. But eventually they adjusted their differences and came'before Cabinet with a unanimous decision that the resolution should go on. Then it went before the Conference again, and wvis adopted there practically without discussion. The resolution had since become the policy of the Imperial Government, and in due course would bo given effect to by legislation.

FREETRADE; A DANGEROUS POLICY. He would like to explain what this resolution really meant. There bad been a very considerable change of public opinion in England regarding the fiscal system. Prior to the war there had been very solid support for a policy of extreme Frcetrade, but the war many people had changed their opinions, because thev saw Preetrade had left Britain in an exceedingly dangerous position at tho outbreak of hostilities. Before the war Britain had had to import from foreign countries largo quantities of goods and rawmaterials for her manufactures, and people had lately been thinking that this kind of tiling was no good, and must not occur again. The people of Great Britain had ceased to take their politics from party leaders and party newspapers. DISTINGUISHED CONVERTS. No better example of what ho meant could be afforded than that of the reeolution in favor of Imperial Preference adopted by Lord Balfour of Burleigh’s Committee, who went very thoroughly into the whole matter of tho tariff. That was a very plain statement by very distinguished politicians. He could not say that prior to the war all the members of that committee were in favor of Preference, or in sympathy with Protection, because they wore not. One member had admitted to him that before the w-ar Ercetrade had been to him a religion, and that he had regarded it as impossible that he would ever alter Ins opinions regarding it. But he heartily concurred in the finding of the committee recommending Preference. So the House could see that for •many years the Empire had been playing into the hands of Germany. The member of the committee he had referred to was only one of millions who had acknowledged a.' similar change of opinion. ”

Mr W. A. Yeitch: Were the members of the committee all members of the British Parliament?

Mr Massey: “Yes, ali were private members. There was not a Minister amongst them.”

■ PROVIDING- GERMAN SOLDIERS. As one example of tlie manner in which the Free trade policy of Britain had mili tnted against the Empire. Mr iLassoy quoted the case of the sugar trade. Germany had paid a handsome' bonus on every ton of sugar exported from that country, which had resulted in a very great increase nt her trade in this, commodity, while that of Britain steadily decreased. Capital invested in the sugar trade in England had been withdrawn. Iho first result of the German policy ■vvas that very large number of her “ sons of the soil had been kept on the land producing sugar, and those were the men who were fighting u S to-day. This was the way Germany had kept up her agricultural population. The unwisdom of the policy of Britain prior to the war was now manliest. because it was clear that the policy of Preference, which we had introduced and which had been endorsed, was the only method by which such a Dominion as New Zealand could he built up. EMPIRE COMMUNICATIONS. One of the most valuable means of keeping the Empire together was the provision for establishing the beet means of communication between the different parts of the Empire, lie had no hesitation in saying—.--peaking from the point of view cf the Empire as a whole—that the maintenance of an efficient telegraph service, whether by cable- or by wireless, and of the most rapid possible mail sendee was ot the utmost importance, even if a certain amount, of public money had to be used. If this were done the taxpayer would not have the slightest objection. (Applause.) THE EMPIRE’S HIGHWAYS.

The great highway between the outlying Editions of the Umpire and the Mother and was the sea, and must always be the sea. It was vhoreforo our duty to make the most of it, so that all commodities should bo carried oveiseas at the least possible rate. That was to the benefit of both the producers imd the consumers. lie did not eav. however, that the State should altogether take the place of individual interprise. The Dominion depended for its prosperity on its produce, and by encouraging the producer they were bringing about the prosperity of the Dominion as a whole. A valuable example of what might bo done, shoit of actual State control (and he did not wish to contend at the moment that it would most successfully bo carried on by the State), was afforded by the United States Interstate Commission. This body looked very carefully into the matter of freights, and when it reported that freights were exorbitant they must be reduced. Something similar was very urgently required in the Umpire. Tlie suggested commission should consist of experienced shipping men, and all matters of freight would safely be referred to them. His own opinion now was to let private enterprise have its opportunity, and if it did not give satisfaction, then let the State step in. NAVIGATION LAWS. - Mr Maesey mentioned one of the methods of Preference used by America in 'her navigation laws, which" made it impossible for goods or passengers to be carried from any American port to any other American port, even to an American possession, except in an American ship. Was there any reason why Britain should not do likewise ?_■ He knew that it would be said that Britain could not provide all the ships and all the men necessary, but he had no doubt that Britain, with the maritime instincts of her people, would very soon proride all tha ships and all the seamen required' umu'v the new- jpder of things.

ANOTHER METHOD. Ho saw no reason why we should not diftpiminato in the matter of port charges in British ports as between British ships and foreign ships. (Applause.) These things would have 'to be considered when the reorganisation of the Empire was being taken in hand. • THE EMIGRATION - PROBLEM. ' Mr Massey spoke of the second part of his motion, referring to migration. He was strongly of- opinion that we should nob in future lose so many of our people by allowing them to migrate to other countries outside of the Empire without doing something to induce them to settle »within the Empire where there was amide room for" them. It was not possible for Britain to feed herself within her own country. He knew something of what could bo .done by intensive cultivation; but even under the most favorable circumstances Great Britain could produce only a very small part of the foodstuffs required for her own people. Surely it would be better for Britain to have her food produced within the Empire by British citizens than to place orders with people who had been bitter enemies of our country and our Flag. He hoped that the British Government would make the best arrangements possible to ensure that if emigration did take place, the emigrants would in future go to countries of the Empire. This Dominion, in common with other parts of the Empire, would have to bear heavy burdens after the war. There was only one way in which those burdens could be borne, and that was by every country doing its best to speed up the development of its resources and_ to increase the output, to increase the inward flow of capital, and so increase its ability to hear the impending strain. Ho asked the House to accept his assurance that he had not the slightest idea that this question would not have been raised if he had not moved it. The question was in the sir, and it certainly would have ’wen raised by somebody else. 1

EMPIRE REORGANISATION.

Mr Masse? said that the War Conference had not dealt with the subject in the ordinary way. They had had the subject up for discussion, but the conference was unanimously of opinion that, while a'great deal was necessary, it was impossible to do justice to it in the war period. It was therefore agreed to convene a special conference—to be representative of ' every country in the Empire—to consider anything that might be necessary in regard to this important question. This motion was moved by Sir Robert Borden, and carried. While it was under discussion ho (Mr Massey) expressed the opinion that the conference should be made much more representative than had ever been attempted before. These questions should be kept above party. He was of opinion that at the conference there should be present, in. addition to the Prime Ministers, the Leaders of every constitutional Opposition in every Parliament of the Empire. That would allow every side to bo represented. There could be no party criticism of the results of this conference.

Whatever might be done in the near future for the better organisation of the Empire, ho hoped that nothing would ho done to interfere with the autonomy of the Overseas Dominions. He hoped tho time would never come when any of our rights and privileges would be taken away. As a citizen not only of New Zealand but of the Empire he would say that any interference with our rights and privileges would more likely tend to disintegration than to tho unity of the Empire. A great countryman of his had said nearly 100 years ago, speaking of the American colonies, that “if the British Empire were to be held together it must be held with ties of silk, but stronger than steel.” Those were the ties which the Emoire statesmen would be able to bind. Tennyson had said that .the British Constitution had ■broadened down from precedent to precedent, and it would go on broadening down from time to time to suit the circumstances and conditions of the Empire as these arose. Certainly the Imperial War Cabinet was a very big step forward. While before the war there had been very little talk of representation of the Dominions on the War Council, the question was in the mouth of every British citizen to-day. British men who gave attention to public affairs appreciated what had been done by tho Dominions, and said that tho Dominions should have a voice in Imperial foreign policy and in such matters of Empire concern; also that representatives of the Dominions should be allowed to sit round the Council table with British Ministers. That was the feeling of the Government, the Parliament, and the people of Britain to-day. All were agreed that something must bo done to give the Dominions representation, and in this connection he had no hesitation in saying that New Zealand had more to fear from the rashness and impetuosity of some men, who, with the best of good intentions, were interesting themselves in the matter, than from any desire on the part of tho British people to “ bolt and bar the door” against us. They must proceed slowly, as any false step would be dangerous to the movement.

While he was willing to admit that every individual had a right to his opinion, he was utterly opposed to any alteration which would allow our finances to he dealt with by any Parliament outside of this country. Money would be required for Imperial purposes, and every part of tho Empire would find its share when tho money was required, but the final decision of this question must rest with the Parliament of the part of tho Empire finding the money. 'lho time would come when there would be an institution representative of tV whole of the Empire. A most important advance in that direction had been made, and he believed that the final result would bo satisfactory to tho people of this country.