The Evening Star TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 5, 1916.

Evening Star, Issue 16211, 5 September 1916, Page 4

The Evening Star TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 5, 1916.

Such is the advice which (through the

I medium of Herr Von ! ” Stick It Out.” Weigand) Herr Ballin, (the president of long lines of idle steamships and the most discredited of political prophets, has thought t fit, in this most serious hour of Germany's i fortunes, to give to his unhappy countrymen and women. There have been times and crises in the history of nations, as well as of individuals, when such advice is not only good advice, but the one possible advice to be given. In fact, xve should not greatly err were we to assert that the many utterances of oxxr own leaders since the beginning of the war, though expressed in more arresting language, might not unfairly be said to resolve themselves into the words now used by Herr Ballin. Apart, however, from the words, an impassable gulf separates the oneJrom the other when used by the enemy and by ourselves. When Lord Derby or some equally accredited leader says "We shall “ defeat Germany by incessant pressure—"that is, by our offensive proceeding " steadily and sxxrcly from day to day,” we know what is meant. The nation and the Empii'e and our Allies know beyond peradventxxre that xve shall stick it out. r They know, too, that there are everincreasing armies of fresh reserves—alike in men, in anns, and the unalterable determination of their people—.behind them, and that, with the passing of the days, these will grow both in number and intensity. When Britain and France and Russia say that they wall " stick it out ” xve know xvhat they mean. We know that every resource at their command xvill be brought into play, and that there xvill be neither falling off nor lagging behind; because each individual xtnit of their mighty hosts knoxvs for what he or she is fighting, and is persuaded that, failing its possession, neither life, nor xvealth, nor the satisfaction of every animal want has any permanent value.

But what does Herr Ballin mean when he says: “We shall stick it out’’? Stick it out for what? Herr Ballin knows as well as, if not better than, his Kaiser and Government that the talk of fighting for “the freedom of the seas,” for “liberty and our national existence,” is the veriest fustian, No European Power threatened either the one or the other when Germanylet loose the dogs of 'war upon Europe. And some of them know, as far as “liberty,” in the British and French meaning of the word, is concerned, that the German people are more likely to attain it as a result of the defeat of their own War Lords than they are by these same men dictating peace to a prostrate and bleeding world amid the ruins of a slaughtered and desolated Paris. Germany, outside the satisfaction of achieving her aim, has nothing worth sticking out for. She is not “out” to redeem mankind from either physical or spiritual or mental slavery; she has no new faith save one that is based on the sword, and no evangel, such as was proclaimed in the long ago to the shepherds of Bethlehem, to offer the captives of her bow and spear. “ Stick it out ” is a good ejiough motto if one but knew for what one was to stick out. And no one, surely, even in Germany, merely wants to “ stick out ” for the right to tear up treaties, to invade, murder, and plunder one’s neighbors, and to make of this earth a he’d. Rather is it because the nations are resolved not to have a Germanised civilisation that they have risen and continue to rise in passionate resistance even unto death against so foul a threat. Herr Ballin has learned little during these months of war. He still talks- as though the flames that his Imperial master lighted would some day be put out, that then business would be resumed as usual, and that in the after buying and selling Germany will bo in a much belter position than tho Allies to push her wares and reap the profits of her superior enterprise. Men. who thus talk have not yet emerged from the Dark Ages. The German who thinks that the war which his rulers inflicted on the world will be treated as an episode, and forgotten as swiftly as a bad dream, has yet before him an even ruder awakening than he is now receiving through the defeat of his armies. And there are many—possibly the vast majority —who not only do think so, but who continue to repeat mechanically their old shibboleths. They still prate of victory and indemnities and the punishment of their enemies, and they still cling with fanatic faith to the certainty that victory is inherent in a policy of ruthless submarining and aerial bombing. The Premier of Bavaria can only see in the entry of Rumania into the blood-stained arena of the European conflict a fresh victim of Entente compulsion and cajoleries, and a martyr foredoomed to tread the path that Belgium and Serbia and Montenegro have trodden before them. And what that path is, said this obsessed official, “ Rumania must have learned.” Rumania has—-that is why she has entered the war; and Greece, thoogh she still halts lingeringly upon the brink, also knows, and so do tho nations the wide world over—that is why they are either passively or actively against Germany. To the people without the borders of tho Central Powers the miracle is not so much that the Germans and their tools have failed to succeed as that they continue to think that they can win. Less than two montlis ago the German Air League, in the course of their appeal for funds—an appeal that was signed, among others, by the Vice-Presi-dent of the Reichstag—said ; When the column of fire springs upwards to the night sky from the burning streets of London, the metropolis of the world, then new knowledge egieams from the flames. When the squadrons of bold airmen carry across the North Sea mischief to England, then the new song of the new war resounds

from their heroic deeds. SitTffe then, a squadron of bold, airmen has flown across the North Sea, has dropped its bombs, has killed its one man and one woman and wounded 13 others, and has seen, or read, of the column-of fire springing upwards, to the night sky from the streets of London. But the squadron turned skyward and fled seaward, and the column of fire wag a column, that, like the hosts of Satan, had been “hurled flaming from the ethereal “sky in horrid ruin and combustion “down.” Not by the way of either Zeppelins or submarines will Germany find the road to victory. Nor will lying, or threatening, or denunciation help her. If Germany proposes to “stick it out,” as presumably she will as long as her remaining manhood is prepared to pass through the Area of Moloch, she should, first and foremost, have something to stick out lor. Has she I

It Is obvious that several, of the vital provisions of the Military Compulsory Service Act will have to Enlistment, be brought into operation in New Zealand before the end of this year. Administrators anticipate the necessity for such action "somewhere about the 22ud Reinforcements,” and are preparing the machinery for the introduction of Compulsion. Varied circumstances show the early need for compulsory enlistment.' Recruiting districts find increasing in raising quotas for immediate requirements, the average recruiting in advance for subsequent reinforcements is declining steadily and is not comparable to the rate of "forward enlistments” a few montlis ago, and the projected readjustment of the proportion of quotas will accentuate the trouble of securing voluntary recruits in certain districts. It has been discovered (rather late in the day, as is the way of politicians) that under the voluntary system of recruiting several districts have already been depleted of an unreasonable proportion of essential workers. The West Coast of the South Island is a case in point that has perturbed the administrative authorities. That district has been called upon, and has responded willingly and well, to provide a fixed quota of recruits, as though the workers there were employed at making toys instead of supplying essential “munitions.” It would bo interesting to know, for example, how much fuel lias gone East from the West Coast for Imperial purposes since the outbreak of war. AikT yet voluntary recruiting has been practised indiscriminately throughout. Similar conditions have prevailed in respect to other essential industries. It is satisfactory to know' that the Govei’nment, even before the introdixction of Conscription, have decided to readjust district quotas on a national basis, having regard for the adequate maintenance of vital industries. The • authorities need not worry over the probability that the too-long-delayed readjustment of quotas may hasten the introduction of compulsory enlistment in communities where industry is less essential to the Empire. After all, the only thing that matters is helping to win the war.

A popular form of Compulsion is to be introduced first—section 35 of the Military Service Act, which contains special provisions for the calling up of members of any family consisting of or including two or more brothers eligible for active service. There appears to be pressing need for the exorcis? of this power. It is stated, for example, that in one rural portion of the Otago district there are no fewer than 50 families that come within the scope of section 35. It is time these families were .compelled to do their duty to the Empire. In all probability the administrative authorities will this week appoint four Appeal Boards to deal with family appeals for exemption. It is to be hoped that unusual care will bo exercised in the matter of selection. The work to be undertaken by the board is a duty that can be done adequately only by men of probity, wise judgment, and conscientious courage. As the Act provides for the appointment of three members only to each board, it will be verydifficult to obtain wide representation in the popular sense. If it be desirable to provide what may be termed .direct representation on the boards, special consideration should be given to the claims of Labor, since it is from the working class (in the broadest sense of the term") that most men will be taken, and, curiously 7 enough, most Reservists left. Apart from that aspect of the question, the Justice Department should make a special effort to release the senior Magistrate in each centre for service-as chairman of the board. This would make for confidence in the people and dependable thoroughness in judicial administration. Magistrates should at least be appointed until tb.e work of the boards has been established on uniform lines. A satisfactory composition of a Military Service Appeal Board would be a Magistrate (ns chairman) and' a representative each from the town and country. This personnel would afford a reasonably comprehensive representation of the varied interests involved.

There is no statutory exemption of any industry or individual. Decision lies with the boards. The Government will proffer guiding advice to the boards as regards the general policy of exemption, but there can be no definite instruction on the question. The boards will therefore have a serious responsibility thrust upon them. Every effort should he made by the Government and by the people to facilitate their important work on tho best possible basis as regards uniformity of policy. Doubtless the Administration will arrange for periodical conferences of the boards or their chairman in Wellington, in order that they may be informed clearly as to the needs of the State and the Empire in respect to essential industries.