The Evening Star WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 25, 1915.

Evening Star, Issue 15891, 25 August 1915, Page 4

The Evening Star WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 25, 1915.

This is how Lord Esher, a publicist of

repute and a man “ Actors in a Croat .who probably is as Tragedy." much in the counsels of the men who direct and control the affairs of the nation as any individual holding no important office, describes his fellow-coun-trymen, whatever their rank or -station, at this hom\ His words, without undue straining, can be extended to include all sorts and conditions of men. and women the world over. We are, each one of us, however little we may realise or express it, more or less participants and actors in this greatest and sublimesb tragedy of the ages. There has been nothing in the past history of the race to equal either in, its horror, or its magnificence, or its far-reaching effects the tragedy which is being played before our eyes. It is, too, a tragedy in which the actors outnumber the spectators. And, as in all tragedies, there are, as well as many players and many parts, some that excel the others in relative importance, and some that are but indifferently well played. This world tragedy, in brief, has not been well cast; there are men filling important roles therein that, viewed in the light of their Subsequent interpretations, could not conceivably be re-elected were the nations that originally selected them again called upon to make their choice. The war has tested not only the mental, moral, and material calibre of the peoples—the supernumeraries of the tragedy—but-of their leaders. Some have come through the fiery ordeal better, stronger, and humbler men than when they were first called upon to enter the flafnes, while others have failed either to realise themselves or the hopes that were based upon them. Possibly a examination into the causes and reasons of these alleged failures to “make good” would show that the men from Whom so much was expected never really had it in them to justify the high hopes that were placed in them; possibly, too, those we have in mind might reply that they, were' elected to office in a time of profound peace, when respect for law, order, humanity, decency, truth, manhood and and the like had definite values that' were acknowledged by the rulers and peoples of all so-called civilised lands, and therefore they were not ready to grapple with questions for which they were not responsible, and which neither they nor anyone else anticipated. The defence, if it be made, is inconclusive and unconvincing. Any man who during the last few years in such countries as the United States of America, the self-governing Dominions of the British Empire, France, and Great Britain has had the hardihood to ask his countrymen to elect him to high and responsible office, and yet was ignorant of the signs of the times and the extreme possibility, if not probability, of that happening which has happened, not only, with Dogberry, writes himself down an ass, but makes plain his own intellectual incompetence and personal unfitness. In the case of men like President Wilson and Mr W. J. Bryan, his former Secretary of State, it is permissible to go further, and to assert that the political faiths these men have held, taught, and sought when opportunity arose to put them in practice were so palpably dangerous to real and therefore lasting peace that they cannot be held wholly guiltless of having brought America to the humiliating pass she now holds and has. held for months in the estimation of the outside world. The quite impossible Mr Bryan is, however, at least logical. He has announced through the medium of that Press which •derides him that American citizens whose business or pleasure (for' there are many Americans, and others who have not that honor, who look for and can take pleasure even when one-half the world is at war) compels them to go to Europe, ought not to be allowed to travel in British ships. “ Why should these citizens/’ he asks, “ be permitted to drag this country into complications?” Let it be said, by way of answer, though it also involves their own everlasting shame, that there are British as well as Americans who will echo “Why?” to this ignoble Call., The way to prevent the sinking of steamers and the murder of their ’crews and passengers by German submarines is not, says Mr Bryan, to proclaim Germany an outlaw among the nations, and, in union with others,’seek to punish her as one would punish a mad dog, but to request American citizens to do what Admiral Yon Tirpita and his master have commanded. “ Don't travel in the ships of Britain or “of any of the belligerents. Just stop “ travelling. Then you will be safe. It is scandalous that you should hy vour "selfishness drag America into domplica“tions with the butchers, of little Belgium "and the destroyers of the Lusitania,” To this sorry plight has Mr Bryan brought himself and a large section of the manytongued people of the United States. National honor self-respect, the public denouncement of detestable crimes these must be flung to the , winds or kept for and confined to Fourth of July orations, provided the United States make money and keep out of war.

Fortunately for the good repute of a country that is yet in the making, Mr Bryan, though in the words of one .American jwper ho has appointed himself “ the director of the nation,” has neither influence nor power in those circles where they might be utilised to the detriment of his country. Mr Bryan is nowhere taken seriously. Fortunately, also, there is not now. and, in our judgment, heVer has been, any unanswerable reason why America should go to war. All that was desired, in the first instance, from President Wilson was that lie, as a man,'a Christian, and the representative of a people who claim to

ho the peculiar arid special guardians of the rights and liberties of - Mankind, should in a few unforgettable words place oh record America’s opinion of the sack of Belgimn—thafc’ crime of the centuries. But for what seemed-to him good and sufficient reasons no such Presidential protest was made, and from that day on America has ceased to count on the moral side in international affairs. What she may or may not do at this hour does not greatly move us. The. way that should have been taken twelve months ago was long since closed, and there : is no side entrance. If the United States President (for everything rests with him) decides to bundle that sinister personality Count Bjrrnstorg out of America, it will be, even from the material standpoint, about the best thing for the country that could be done. But we have no great hopes. A President who sits patiently awaiting proofs of a “deliberate unfriendly act,” and meanwhile ‘'suspends judgment,” who in his heart is praying for something to happen to help him out of the only honorable choice that is left him, is nob a President that inspires either confidence or enthusiasm. America at tliis hour and for many hours and months has needed at the head of her affairs such a President as he who wrote these words: “Let us as a “nation understand that peace is worthy “ only when it is the handmaiden of inter- “ national righteousness and of national “self-respect.”

The principle and purposes of the National Registration Bill, which was National introduced in the House of Registration Representatives yesterday, for War. are sound, and the National Government deserve unqualified commendation for their aim in devising the measure. It represents earnestness and willingness to make preparation for providing acceptable and effective service to the Empire, and is therefore timely and welcome. New Zealand is resourceful enough to do.a great deal more in tho direction of lending assistance in tho stubborn conflict against the murderous enemies of real liberty, and the question of proportional service to the Empire should not be permitted to stint this country’s efforts -'n the British Empire and the willingness of each part of it to serve. The demand for practical assistance alone requires serious consideration. It is regrettable that circumstances which cannot be discussed prevent New Zealand from doing a great deal more than she has yet done in connection with a war that calls -for unstinted service. It is the difficulty of this country to provide war munitions, indeed, that threatens to check to a considerable extent the main purposes of the National Government in preparing for a national register of every male resident of New Zealand between 17 and 60 years of age. The measure is really twofold in purpose. It aims at securing a complete register of all men fit and willing for active service in war, and it provides for a census of all men who are cither unfit {for varied reasons) or unwilling to take part in actual warfare. The general aim of. the scheme is good and praiseworthy, but its results are problematical. In tho clauses providing for a register of men between 19 and 45 years of age, for example* there is ample scope for deliberate shirkers to ignore their responsibilities to the Empire, and to choose a shirker's part in a manner that will clothe their cor science with a rag of honor. It is provided in the Bill that any man between those serviceable ages may be required to state whether he is willing to become a member of an expeditionary force'/ or, if unprepared to volunteer for service, whether he is willing to serve in any other capacity in connection with the war. While it is true that men of tender conscience will probably accept the first question as moral compulsion to join the gallant New Zealanders at Gallipoli, thoso men whose conscience is dull and undeveloped will seize the alternative as an easy way to escape stern duty. Tho national register is to be absolutely secret, and there is nothing to prevent a certain type of men from selecting a “safe” form of service. If all the men who are not willing to fight were prepared to render adequate service in special industries of great value to the Empire the proposed national register would be exceedingly profitable. Undoubtedly tho authorities hope to secure offers of service in certain industries which have been depleted of workers, hut it is to be suspected that in the absence of compulsion a large number of irresponsible young men wilt neither offer to serve behind a gun nor behind a plough. That is one of the regrettable difficulties which will rot be removed by national registration. In the event of necessity for compulsion, however, tho national register represents a wise preliminary step. It will provide tho administrative authorities with useful information as to the country’s fighting resources. If the necessity for compulsion ever come, it is to be hoped that the National Government will not hesitate in mobilising tho required number of men who have been unwilling to volunteer for the highest service within tho compass of an able-bodied man. it is rather regrettable that the proposed national register does not include the women of New Zealand, many of whom would nob hesitate to work hard for their country. Their omission is a distinct compliment, but the inclusion of willing women would, we think, have made for better organisation of New Zealand’s capacities, and would in many instances have served as a stimulus to laggard men.