THE IRISH CRISIS

Evening Star, Issue 15479, 29 April 1914, Page 9

THE IRISH CRISIS

MR ASQUITH SEES THE KING, CALLS A CABINET MEETING, AND ADJOURNS THE BUDGET. HOW CONTINENTAL OPINION IS AFFECTED. Press Association —By Telegraph—Copyright. LONDON, April 28. Mr Asquith, after his statement in the House of Commons, had an audience with the King. . , ~ Subsequently the Cabinet discuesed the situation. ~ , . . The ‘ Daily News ’ (Radical) states that owing to the exigencies of the situation in Ulster the delivery of the Budget has been postponed till Monday.

MR CHURCHILL’S BRADFORD

SPEECH.

LONDON, April 28. _ In the House of Commons Mr Churchill explained that his reason for ordering naval officers in Ulster to, land in plain clothes was to avoid creating unnecessary alarm and irritation. Sir Edward Carson, amid mocking cries of “Hats off to the King!” asked Mr Churchill whether he had attempted ro attain a similar object by his Bradford speech . , , Mr Churchill dismissed the question as irrelevant. Lord Charles . Beresford reminded Mr Churchill that the( King’s regulations demanded that officers should be in uniform when on dutyPROPOSED JUDICIAL INQUIRY, "LONDON, April 28. Notice was given to-day of a number of Liberal amendments on Mr Austen Chamberlain’s motion for a judicial inquiry. Amendments have also been given notice of declaring that in view of the preparations of Ulster leaders, supported by Uniohist leaders, to resist the law, as instanced in the gun-running episode, the House supports the Government in taking measures to vindicate the law. THE FANNY’S ADVENTURES. VESSEL KNOWN BY MANY NAIMES. “ALL’S WELL THAT ENDS WELL.” "LONDON, April 28. For three weeks a ‘3OO-ton steamer, named Fanny, carrying a captain from Ulster, tramped tho high seas with a_ cargo of munitions of war. She was without ship's papers, and was, according to international law, a pirate. She weathered three heavy gales in the North Sea. When the Danish authorities retained her papers, the Fanny, under cover of "a fog, slipped to sea and ran into a Norwegian port to ascertain whether the purpose of her cruise had leaked out. From newspapers it was learned that her disappearance had placed the British authorities on- the qui vive. During a storm the Fanny’s sidelights were smashed. She eventually entered Yarmouth Roads to replace the lights and get tobacco, but not as tho Fanny. Twice she changed her name—first to Bertha _ and then to Dorothy,, and was twice repainted and subjected to other disguising alterations. At Yarmouth someone left the ship, proceeded to London, and got into touch with the Ulster authorities. From Yarmouth the steamer proceeded down Channel, steamed to the French coast, and thence to Lundy, where she was rechristened and redisguised. But it was considered unsafe to approach the Ulster coast, hence the Mountjoy was manned. A picked crew met the Fanny 100 miles south of Tuscar, the vessels were lashed together, and the Fanny’s cargo transhipped at night without displaying lights. At dawn the vessels parted, but met again at nightfall in Cardigan Bay and completed the task. The Mountjoy made for Larne one night, and a cruiser without the bay, a few miles off, played a searchlight upon her, but doubtless regarded ber as a harmless collier.

The ‘Daily Express’ states that the Ulster Council have ordered the Fanny to be scuttled if she falls into the hands of the Navy. Five warships are manmuvring off Larne, Donaghadee, and Bangor, all using searchlights. It is stated that the Roma, which -s detained at Ayr, was commandeered at Larne by the Ulster volunteers, and compelled to land arms. The captain protested, but was virtually imprisoned by the Ulstermen.

TROOPS FOR ULSTER. LONDON, .April 28. Dublin advices state that battalions of the Yorkshire and the Kent Regiments have been ordered to be in readiness to proceed to Ulster. THE BELFAST POLICE. LONDON, April 28. General Macready, having been _ap pointed a Magistrate at Antrim (County Down), has assumed command of the Belfast police, A CALL FOR PRAYER. (London ‘ Times ’ and Sydney ' Sun ’ Services.') "LONDON, April 28. Lord Kinnaird, president of the World Evangelical Alliance, has urged that prayer be offered to God to reveal to the Government the way of peace. FOREIGN CONSULS MEET. WHAT THE GREEK CONSUL THINKS. EFFECT OF BRITAIN’S HOME DIFFERENCES. LONDON, April 23. At the foreign Consuls’ dinner Mr J. J. Stavridis, Consul-General for Greece, said that the prolongation of Great Britain s domestic struggle endangers her reputation abroad. Politicians, Press, and publicists are acting purely in a partisan spirit. He recommended that, in their own commercial and national interests, a few bainess men might exercise a spirit of conciliation ax.d concession and common sense, and so settle the Irish problem satisfactorily. NATIONALISTS ALSO ARM." AMERICA THE SOURCE OF SUPPLY. LONDON, April 28. (Received April 29, at ? a.m.) A number of fishing boats landed on the Donegal coast a cargo of American arms from a steamer. These are being distributed among the Nationalists. AN AUSTRALIAN PROTEST AGAINST THE HOME RULE BILL. SYDNEY, April 29. (Received April 29, at 9.40 a.m.) An open letter to Mr Asquith is being largely signed in the various States of the Commonwealth. Jt denies the statements that the people of Australia as a whole favor the Home Rule Bill, and adds an expression of the signatories’ belief that Homo Rule will tend to weaken the Empire and bo a permanent bar to Imperial Federation. It further hopes that Mr Asquith will hold a referendum on the subject, and thrs concludes:—

In resisting such a policy of injustice and -tyranny the Unionists of Ireland have our whole-hearted sympathy and all such support as it may be possible to render. It is stated that nearly 100,000 signatures have already been obtained.

IN THE COMMONS. THE SITUATION REVIEWED. LONDON, April 28. (Received April 29, at 11.20 a.m.) In the House of Commons Mr Austen Chamberlain reviewed tho situation after Mr Asquith’s appeal for peace on the 9th of March, to which Sir E. Carson had replied that he would submit the proposed settlement tp Ulstermen if Ulster were excluded. The Government recognised this offer as an advance. Nevertheless, Mr Churchill, on the 14th of the same moijth, delivered a threatening and provocative, Speech, concluding with tho words: “Let us put these grave matters to the proof.” Mr Asquith, said Mr Chamberlain, had approved of this declaration, and the Gurragh incident followed.. ' -V- - .. .. A HISTORIC SCENE. THE referendum OFFER. WAS IT. A “FIRM” ONE? There was a remarkable scene in the House of Commons on March 19, when the Chamber was even fuller than on the Monday of the previous week, when the Prime Miniate;-, acknowledging that he could not ' force the Home Rule Bill through in ite present shape, came forward with amended proposals. Even the Peers’ Gallery was full to overflowing. Mr Bonar Law began in gloomy tones. He told the silent and expectant members crowding the benches' that to-day, after the speech of Mr Churchill at Bradford, in which he said the Government had made their last offer, the position was far more dangerous than it had ever been. What was the “ principle ” on which agreement was demanded before the Premier would disclose details? If Ulster was not to be brought under a Nationalist Parliament against her will, that would be a basis of discussion. (All parties cheered.) But was Ulster to be brought in automatically at the end of six years? “If that is the principle, there is no advantage in ambiguity on our part. We absolutely reject it,” was the emphatic repudiation. If Mr Asquith felt it would be justifiable to force Ulster into the Dublin Parliament sis years hence, it was equally justifiable to do so now. “Why don’t you do it? You don’t feel justified in forcing them in.” —The Offer.— After this came the clou of the speech. Still in soothing and conciliatory vein, Mr Bonar Law said he could, as a party man, appreciate the disinclination of the Government to put themselves to the test of a General Election before they had reaped any fruit from the Parliament Act. A referendum was now offered to Ulster. Why not a referendum over the whole kingdom. “On behalf of the Opposition I make this formal offer:

If the Prime Minister chooses to put his new suggestions into hie Horae Rule Bill, and submits these suggestions to the country by a referendum, and the country decides in favor of it, then I have the authority of Lord Lansdowne to say that, so far as his influence in the House of Lords goes, that body will offer no impediment to the carrying out completely, without alteration and without delay, of the decision and the will " of the people of the country.” Prolonged cheering from the Unionists behind him endorsed this offer. “If the people are not consulted, it is because ho prefers bullets to votes,” adapting a phrase used by Mr Churchill. The possibility of handing over Ireland to civic strife was deplored—Mr Bonar Law pictured conquered Ulster as “a new Poland”—and the speech ended with a serious though calm review of the possible effects on the Army of civil -war as distinct from the mere suppression of disorder.

—Mr Asquith’s Questions. —

Mr Asquith quickly took up the challenge as to submitting the issue to the electors immediately. Why was Ulster’s inclusion to be deferred for six years? “ It is to rive the electors of the whole kingdom the opportunity of their opinion on the future of Ulster after actual observation of th© working of -Home Rule,” was his answer. If there had been persecution and oppression, then no majority in this Parliament, Liberal or Conservative, would sanction the inclusion of Ulster. The'examination’of the offer respecting the Referendum was prefaced by a dramatic question. “ Am I to take it that that offer carries with it the authority, if necessary, to coerce Ulster?” Mr Bonar Law nodded. “ He does!” cried Mr Asquith, and there was an outburst of laughter ’ from the Ministerialists. The Premier proceeded to demonstrate that the Liberal terms were much more favorable. “ If the United Kingdom says ‘ Yes,’ you say we should be justified in coercing Ulster,” he echoed. “ Very well. What is our proposal? Wo say that no attempt should be made to bring any part of Ulster under Home Rule against its will until you had six years’ experience of it. Is not the Government proposal really more favorable?” —Thrust and Parry.— “What is to be submitted?” the Premier inquired of Mr Bonar Law. “Is it the Bill as it stands or the Bill with these suggested alterations?” “I said the Bill with the alterations,” Mr Bonar Law reminded him. “.To what constituencies is the appeal to be made?” Was there to be any plural voting? “We should b© quite willing to accept it without any plural voting,” was the quiet answer of the Leader of the Oppoch tion. Then cams a dramatic interruption of the cross-examination. Mr Asquith remarked that perhaps the next question had better b© addressed to Sir Edward Carson. “Would Ulster accept it?” was the Premier’s crucial question. —A Moment of Tension.— Sir Edward Carson rose, and the House hushed for the answer. “ Does the Prime Minister give me a firm offer?” A roar of cheering burst from the Unionists at this retort. Mr Asquith shrugged his shoulders, and proceeded to argue that it would be difficult. even with a referendum, to gain the judgment of the people on the single issue of Homo Rule. It would be a real referendum in Ulster, where th© people were deeply concerned, but the by-elections bad shown how difficult it was, in spite of the wishes of candidates and speakers, to confine the issue to one subject. And Mr Asquith candidly acknowledged that the Government could not continue in office if the vote of the country was adverse. The Premier'concluded by again commending the advantages of his offer. “ There is our proposal. We do not recede from it—the only wav offering hope of a lasting settlement.” “I only wish to make two or three observations,” said Sir E. Carson, whose rising was the signal for a wild outburst of cheering from the Unionist side. “ After the ‘trifling’ speech of the Prime -Minister, and the provocative speech of Mr Churchill, my place is in Ireland. If it is the last word (recalling a recent speech by Mr Devlin), what more have we to do here? And if it is the last word, I tell the Prim© Minister to read the First Lord’s speech, in which he said that I and .others were guilty of a treasonable conspiracy, and let him trv conclusions with us.” Mr Churchill had 'said he (Sir Edward) was wrong “on the merits” of the case, and that he would go down to history as being in the wrong. “As if I care twopence whether I do or not,” scoffed Sir Edward. “ I am not on the make.” Again the Ministerialists flamed with resentment. “ If I am wrong on the merits, who taught me to he so? The right hon. gentleman’s fether.” he said, and looked at Mr Churcnill. 1 “ He thought of the people, and not always of himself.” Sir Edward asked the Government why they refused to exempt Ulster from the Bill “ untfi Parliament .otherwise orders”’ Federation was being talked of. “ Why not put into your Bill that the Ulster-counties shall be excluded until the whole question is reconsidered with a view to Federation?” he pleaded. In a 'final passionate passage of scorn Sir Edward derided 'the action of the Government in sheltering themselves behind the Army. “You’ll be all right,” he said, glancing at the benches opposite.

“You’ll bo no longer cowards. You will have become brave in entrenching yourselves behind the Army, and under your direction they will have become assassins.” —Very Unparliamentary Language.—

Flame and heat came into the discussion with the uprising of Mr Joseph Devlin, the fighting organiser of the Nationalists with the biting tongue- “I don’t know what a great lawyer means by politicians oh the make,” he sneered, “ but I will tell the House what an untutored layman means by it.” He spoke, in obvious allusion to Sir Edward Carson, of a young lawyer supporting Homo Rule in the generous ardor of youth and afterwards joining the forces of a powerful enemy. “That is what I pronounce a man on the make.”

While tho Nationalists cheered frantically Sir Edward Carson rose. "Mr Speaker,” he said coolly and calmly, “I wish to say that the observation of the hon. member is an infamous lie, and he knows it.”

With difficulty silence was obtained for the Chair. “ The expression used by the right hon. gentleman,” said the Speaker, in soothing tones, addressing Sir Edward, “is not one that is generally used in the House of Commons. I think he will see that it is not a proper expression to use. however strong his feelings may be. lam cure he would not wish to uso any words so- unparliamentary.” Sir Edward Carson then substituted the words “ wilful falsehood for “ infamous lie,” amid laughter. —Mr Churchill Interposes.— Mr Churchill, on whose behalf Mr Devlin was retaliating, intervened at this moment. “I feel not the slightest personal resentment for any comments which were made.” It did not placate the Unionists. “Who cares for you?” shouted someone. “Sit down!” cried another Unionist, and so fierce were the outcries that it was with difficulty Mr Churchill could add: “ I don’t desire anyone to take np the cudgels on my behalf.”* A moment later a dramatic seen© quenched Mr Devlin’s eloquence for a minute. Sir Edward Carson, attended by Mr Walter Long, rose to depart for Belfast. Immediately the whole body of Unionists sprang to their feet in a cheering God-speed to him on-Jhis mission to Ulster.

Succeeding this Mr Devlin had a calmer hearing, though his language was highly vigorous. “There never was a greater sham and fraud than all this talk of civil war in Ulster,” he asserted, declaring that the whole propaganda had been engineered by the forces of reaction in England because the Unionists were impoverished of a policy. There now followed speeches by Mr Austen Chamberlain and Mr Birrell, and eventually tho vote of censure was defeated by 545 to 252—a Government majority of 93. THAT PROVOCATIVE SPEECH. The following are the chief point* of Mr Churchill’s Bradford speech, which aroused the ire of the Unionists so much;— In principle—l do not speak of detail —Mr Asquith’s offer is the last which His Majesty’s Government can or ought to make. The Unionist party said unless they had exclusion or a general election there would lie civil war. They have got both. To satisfy them you ' would have not only to promise them an election, but also to guarantee it would go the way they want. If Ulster seeks peace and fair play she can find it. But if there is no wish for peace, if all this loose, wanton, and reckless chatter is in the end to disclose a sinister and revo- : lutionary purpose, then I can only say let us go forward together and put these grave matters to the proof.

THE NATIONALISTS’ LAST WORD. Thus Mr Redmond at a National gathering at the Hotel Cecil; The principles offered to Ulster are our last word. Beyond them ono inch we cannot and will not go. It is also the last word of the Government. The Opposition have rejected the_ proposals with scorn and insult. If this is their last word this incident is closed. If force is interposed force should bo met with fortie.