LABOR CONFERENCES.

Evening Star, Issue 15140, 24 March 1913, Page 7

LABOR CONFERENCES.

[By Veteran.] j- This seems to be the record year for Labor conferences. The Commonwealth . Conference resulted in the amalgamation 3 of unione comprising over 100,000 members. 1 The Labor party's conference in London b was attended by 508 delegates (many of j whom were women), representing close on 2,000,000 members of trade unions, Labor parties, trade councils, Socialist societies, and co-operative societies. Mr G. H. Roberts, M.P., was chairman, and in a stiri ring address roviowed the work of the • party during the 13 years it had been in existence. Referring to tho past year, he > said: "It shows that the;ferment and up- ' heaval, which is such a notable charactoris- ; tic of the age, gain in volume. The worker, 3 hitherto dumb and acquiescent, now reads and reflects on the facts of modern society. ! He perceives that arduous toil does not bring him an equitable 6haro of rapidly- * increasing wealth; that at its best his ' weekly wage barely suffices for weekly . needs; that he ever stands on the brink of casual labor and unemployment; that some i are born to consume tho fruits he cultivates ; and that his respeotfully-worded appeals for equity and justice invariably receive scant consideration. Pondering over these things ho acquires a knowledge ] of the causes of riches and poverty. Then, armed with intellectual conviction and the . will to correct wrongs and to remove artificial inequalities, he links up with the forces of revolt and moves forward to the conquest of evil and the supremacy of good. Undoubtedly many are repelled from our movement by the confusing and contradictory policies which are presented. While some vacillate from one extreme to another possible recruits will be perplexed and support alienated. Recently we have witnessed a recrudescence of the allegation that political action is futilo and direct in. dustrialism the only certain means of realising working-class aims and aspirations. The Labor party challenges that view with the assertion that both means are necessary. None can avoid a sense of disappointment at the results o£ political action. And is it not equally so with the strike policy? Tho truth is that while tho highest expectations formed of either are unfulfilled, yet considerable advantage has accrued from both. In either case the cause of comparative failure is identical. It is not due to inherent fault in either method, but to the lack of working-class adhesion and enthusiasm. Given a more thorough education and organisation of the workers, their political and industrial activities would be correspondingly the more productive. As it is, accomplishment fairly approximates to strength and endeavor. Direct actionists affect to repudiate the representative government of modern democracy, arid have created the suspicion that they favor violence rather than discussion and reason. My submission is that politics cannot be dispensed with, and that the perfect State will only, come through wellordered effort and schemes, and not through a purely economic outburst. Let it be remembered that the State is as vet imperfectly democratised. Our object "is to make the State synonymous with tho people. When a popular franchise i 6 attained the people by political organisation can master the Stat© and use it for popular purposes. Politics cannot be ignored, and acrid negative reflection thereon is not verv helpful. When industries are brought under public control political methods will bo necessary to determine principles of administration. Again, the attainments of force can onlv subsist by the sanction of force. * ' Those who feel keenly may regard improvement as intolerably slow. To such the dream of a revolution which shall swiitiy transform society is very alluring I But no genuine lover of the people will • foster a hope doomed to disillusionment, j 1 hough the task ahead is stupendous, as ' the weaker will weary of the contest and those of little faith faint, yet all must understand that the rate of betterment and elevation is strictly conditioned bv : their own consciousness,and action. Thus while heartily welcoming the movement towards less unions and more unity, to- i gether with the closer federation of ; workers, there is need to emphasise the ' point that salvation evolves from the use of both arms—the industrial and the poli- ' tical. Partial strikes and Labor representation have at least been partially sue- I cessful The universal strike has not ! emerged, and will not yet emerge from the ! realm of speculative philosophy. ! « TO^i ing with fra,lchis e reform ho savs : j While regretting the abandonment" of , the iranclnso and Registration Bill, we must now prepare for the future. That it nas been proposed to base the right to vote on a simple residential qualification, to abolish anomalies of plural voting and university representation, to aim at° continuous registration accompanied bv a general systematisation and simplification of _electoral machinery is commendable. In this connection, however, the most glarin<* omissions were the lack of provision for defraying returning officers' expenses, and for securing that parties should havo representation proportionate to their voting strength. As further proposals. are inevitable the conference should decide on the principles it favors for ensuring that, while majorities shall rule, minorities get duo representation. This must be determined in view of the two proposals bein" advocated. The Second Ballot is now dis°carded for the Alternative Vote. This contemplates a system of universal sin<demembered constituencies whereunder vofers would be required to declare a second preference, to take effect in the event of their first choice being unsuccessful. While this would secure that a majority in a small constituency would win the seat it affords us guarantee that the smaller parties would get fair representation. Further, it appears unavoidable that understandings should be reached prior to elections with one of the larger parties, both nationally and locally. It is well known j that I prefer the method of proportional representation. Experience shows that it I gives representation closely approximating I to voting strength, and that the attitude i of other parties cannot possibly destroy the chances of any party. I gladly note the question is to be discussed. For myself I only desire that a decision be reached on a clear understanding of the implications of the case." Referring to the Trade Union Bill he said : " To win back for trade unions the nght of political action has constituted the chief duty of the session. That a complete reversal of judge-made law is not yet attained is regretted and must still be pursued. Nevertheless, having regard to all the circumstances, the amount of reversal embodied in the Trades Union (No. 2) Bill is of considerable advantage. Under it comprehensive political work can be undertaken, and appeal must be made to those invested with exemption thereunder to recognise that as political action is a necessary form of trade union equipment none should shirk their responsibilities, especially as none would deny benefits gained." Mr Roberts also dealt with tho question 'of the right to strike, and said: "Acknowledging as I do, that contractual obligations should be honored, and that onlv in the case of great provocation should agreements be broken I nevertheless view with grave misgiving the prominence accorded compulsory arbitration. This device would assuredly prove disastrous to effective industrial activity. The swift and mobile disposition of forces is a strategic necessity in labor struggles as in actual warfare. Delays imposed by arbitrativo proceedings might seriously "jeopardise the prospects of victory. Constituted as the State is at present, restrictions of thia character must be resisted, for it is difficult to conceive a tribunal that would merit whole-hearted confidence. Those who postulate the workers as a perpetually depedent class may be consciencestriken into removing the worst phases of sweating, but it would be the height of folly to entrust them with more power when the wider demands of Labor are in question. Believing that the strike is not played out, but will increase in efficiency as more workers pay into unions, I-would jealously preserve all existing facilities. Moreover, the right to relinquish work is the heritage of every free worker. To destroy this right is to diminish the individual and collective freedom of the wage-earning class. Its deprivation would place Labor in bondage comparable' to that inflicted by the Statute of LaX borers in the fourteenth century."

Ho also dealt with tho position of tho agriculturo worker as follows : " The elevation of the rural worker by enacting a minimum wage and improved housing will materially ease the Labor problem. Were country life niado brighter and better the drift to the towns could be checked and the pressure of surplus labor be reduced. To facilitate this a committee has_ been appointed to formulate an agricultural and land policy. Investigations are being prosecuted and evidence •taken. There eecnis no doubt that agriculture and horticulture can be made to bear a living wage. Howbeit, evcrv Socialist and Laborist will agree that" adequate remuneration is the title of every worker. If an industry docs not yield this it is parasitic in character, its deficiencies having to be borne, in various forms, by other industries. Thus we insist that the agricultural laborer, with all other worker's, shall have a reward equal to meeting the whole necessities of life. Placing this obligation ujion agriculture will, it is believed, compel cultivators to adopt more scientific methods, whereby the productivity of land can be enormously increased. It is no secret that much land is imperfectly tilled. Cheap labor assists tho farmer to struggle through with meagre crops and out-of-date procedure. Justice to the laborer and tho most efficient use of land are matters of great national importance. But little leas urgent is the question of housing. The agricultural laborer is frequently tied to a house as a condition of employment. From this he must be released, as it fetters his action and restricts his liberty. There is no hope that this problem can be dealt with without State aid. Private ent-erpriso has particularly failed in rural parts. True, this proposal of State assistance cuts athwart the preconceived economic theories of some, who see in it nothing but a. subsidy to employers and landlords. These overlook the moral factor. Give the rural worker a reasonable wage, with a free home in place of the tied house, then he acquires a sense of manliness and freedom which eminently fit him for progressive developments. Tho experiment of the Irish Laborers' Acts, 1883-1911, under which some 42,600 houses have been built by State aid, gives confirmation to this theory. Were all sections of Labor to unite definite steps in the direction of public ownership could be taken. Railway nationalisation, for instance, is a practicable proposition. With the pooling of interests, and the amalgamation of rival companies, great administrative economics aro being effected, and a huge trust being created. Labor is speeded up, its status reduced, prospects of promotion decreased, and tho railwayman tends to becomjo chained to a subsistence level. Trade and commerce are- in the grip of a great menace, being unablo to contemplate either lowered rates or enhanced facilities. Transit is a public necessity which should not bo privately exploited. Last year ; the telephone service was transferred from company to public ownership, with scarcely a ripplo disturbing the country. A similar transference of railways could be as orderly and easily accomplished. Then at least would open up a vista* of improvement for workers and encouragement to trade. It has long appeared "to mc that one of the greatest possible railway reforms would be the inauguration of uniform rates, on the principal of the postal service. This would give a wonderful stimulus to industry, would tend u. equalise competitive conditions.'and, incidentally, help prick the bubble of inflated land values."