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Evening Star, Issue 14687, 3 October 1911, Page 4

Although a otate of war has, on the declaration of tho Italian " A State Of Government, officially exWarV ieted between Italy and Turkey since 2.50 p.m. on Friday last, there has so far been little (if any) actual war. There have been the customary sensational rumors, including tl>e annihilation of the whole of the Turkish fleet, the hurtling of showers of shells through the air upon a passively-resisting city, and the explosion and sinking of warships. These aw inevitable in a seneationloving age, and ivi*ii scores of rival newspapers eager to compete for the supply tf wares that are most in demand. Unless, however, the official representatives of Italy 'have decided upon a. campaign of misrepresentation as well as a war of surprise, there'is little foundation for much of the news that lias come over the cable this w-eek. The Italian. Embassy in London states that beyond the landing of. troops and the occupation oi Tripoli -there '-has^

been no boanbardment or fighting in the Adriatic, which would seem to run a pen through the various and not very clear accounts of the attack on Preveza, the capture of it* ports, the landing of troops, and the sinking of torpedoers. It is probably safe to assume thai there lias not been a great deal of regular warfare. And this for the simple reason that Turkey is not fighting back. The Porte has not answered the Italian challenge nor Fought to punish Italian trespass on Turkish soil by active resistance and counter attack. From the heart of the storm centre, Tripoli, there comes no word of opposition to the landing of Italian troops and munitions of war. All that the Turk has done has been to retire from the city and to entrench 'himself on the near-by hills. Tn the Adriatic the policy of non-resistance also prevails. Turkey is not retorting in kind, and in this passivity she is undoubtedly wise. She is losing nothing by her action. On the contrary, we imagine she has greatly strengthened her status in the opinion of. the world at large. So far she has contented herself with a second appeal to the Powers. In effect she says: You are the professed guardians of the peace of Europe. Is it your wish that this peace should be broken? Are you content that one of your number should slop in and take possession of a large portion of the Turkish Empire? And to this request there has not as yet been an answer. Germany, it is true, has, through her Ambassador, conveyed assurances of the Kaiser's veneration for Sultan Mehmed V., and "in the interests of humanity" he will do what he can. But, the message adds, what can Germany alone do if the other Powers will not support her? This fear of non-support is not unlikely based on knowledge of the sort of terms that Germany is said to be certain to offer—viz., acquiescence in the Italian occupation of Tripoli and an Italian protectorate as accomplished facts, coupled with the official recognition by Italy of the nominal sovereignty of the Sultan. In other words, the proposals Germany will submit to the Sultan for his acceptance and to the Powers for their concurrence are those which Italy demands, and which Germany endorses. Should Turkey be unable to find sufficient support among the Powers to encourage her to resist the Italian policy r.f permanent occupation—and Turkey's own policy in dealing with her Christian subjects has alienated any excoss of sympathy—she may resolve to give way. The new Turkey is built upon very unstable foundations,- and her own domestic affairs call for the most untiring vigilan-e. A foreign war would not improbably bo followed by internal revolt. At the same time, the Young Turk is ambitious, and cherishes ideals of a great and rejuvenated Turkish Empire. Neither in Arabia, nor Crete, nor Tripoli is he prepared to surrender his heritage. It is therefore among the possibilities that he may yet decide to answer Italy and Europe in their own way.