THE GENERAL ELECTION

Evening Star, Issue 12623, 30 September 1905, Page 2

THE GENERAL ELECTION

MB Av 8. ABAMS MASJP ms'f®ffC " f^pKECI. Mr A. S. Adams, a oapdidate sap the Dunedin Centra) seat. dsliFered first speech to the electors last evening, speaking in the Garrison Hall to an audience of about 450 persons. The Mayor (Mr Braithwaite) occupied the chair, and in his introductory remarks said : It gives me great pleasure to take the chair for so worthy a citizfen as Mr Adams. —(Applause.) I do not altogether see eye to eye with Mr Adams.—*fpr * ipstanipe, on Prohibition —b,ut that makes no to me as mayor in deriving pleasure in taking the ohair for him.»«( Applause.) Mr Adams, on stepping forward, was received with applause. tbit be appeared before them tbfflnvening' in a, charaoter which he had tins CStyv—that qf a candidate for Par-ia-ment. He did not apologiee for his candidature. He stood on that platform simply exercising tha right of a citizen of the City in offering ninuelf to the ejleotora qf Dunedin Central for selection if they would deem it wise to send him tq- Paijiainent.— (App>a.use.) It would be bis endeavor to convince them that he was pot dqing ap unwise or unworthy thing in offering nirnself for election; and be hoped before this campaign was ended to have enlisted their sympathy and support. He wantad to say at the outset that he appeared not at the nominee of any party ? but as —An Independent Candidate.There was an impression that a man could not be of any use in. politics in this country, or indeed in any country, unless be allied himself with one or other of the great political parties. He entirely dissjmted from that propositton. Ip to; 3 the man who stood apart ajiid who went to Parliament and used his own independepit judgment under a due sense of responsibility to the electors and to Ihimself was likely to be a very n*uch better representative of the peop'e than the man who went to Parliament p.edged to follow the leader, of a party.—(Appatue.) He objected to being characterised as a joint in the tail of any party, apd with due respect to the electors pf Duniedin Central, if their hearts were bent on having a man of that character, then he must stand down and out. If elected, he. would do h:s best to conserve the interests of the constituency as a whole. He would not oppose any good measure brou'-'ht before Parlia-ment because it was brought forward by the leader of a particular, party. He would not vote against his own convictions ia order to ougt, one party from power and put in another party—(Applause.) He believed that the first duty of a representative of the City wgs to consider the interests of those whom be. represented and the interests of the colony as a wihole, and not the interests of any party. He wished to make it perfectly clear that if a —Vote of was proposed, and be should be in ment at tihe time, he would vote against the continuation in office of the present Administration. (Applause.) In bis •humble judgment a change was wanted. The present Government hod beep too Jong in office, and had become ossified. It would do good to have new men on the Treasury benches. He agreed with tfoose who said that most of lie legislation of the last fourteen years had been beneficial, and he would give no unstinted meed of praise to those members of the House who bad put on the Statute Book lawis which were adlinrable and which had worked a great good for the community as a whole; but he would like to say that the credit of that legislation the benefit of which they were reaping to-day was not to be wholly giyw to any ope party in the House, —(Hear, hear.) When measures affecting the rtal welfare of the community h»d been proEosed, members on both sides of the House ad done their beet to produce workable and beneficial legi.-Cetion on those propositions.—(Applause.) But the administration of the present Government, through long use, had become lax and inefficient. The country bad what was called a one-man Ministry. Now, that was not a good thing. W hen he was last in Wellington he read an article in the ' New Zealand Times,', Hie ' organ of the Seddon Government. |Tiie v article interested him. It contracted ..New Zealand with the Australian States—to the disadvantage of the States of Australia. It pointed out that in Australia there was what the writer of the article was pleased to term a benevolent despotism; and the conclusion the writer came to was that a benevolent despotism was the best kind of government for any country. He did not believe that a despotism of any kind, benevolent or tyrannical, was the best sort of government for a free country. —(Applause.) The worst sort of despotism indeod was a benevolent despotism, because people became accustomed and resigned to it. He was opposed to

—Party Government. — He considered that the people of this colony had had examples enough to satisfy the most exacting that party government had proved a miserable failure. —{Hear, hear.) It never was a success anywhere. There was a type of politician—not peculiar to this country—who was entirely the product of party government. The man who was considered to be the best type of representative in New Zealand was not the man who exercised a wise judgment, who guarded the public inte<rest, who sought to promote the interests of the people, irrespective of the personal interests and position of the men in power, but rather the man who voted at his party's call and never dreamt of thinking for himself at all Ho did not approve of that sort of representative —(applause) and''he did not offer himself as one of that sort.—(Hear, hear.) Party government had degenerated into a struggle between the ins and the outs. He thought it was Sir Henry Mayne who said that party government was a system under which half the cleverest men in the country were engaged in doing their best to prevent the other half of the cleverest men in the country from governing. That surely could not be a right principle. They wanted to make it impossible for any man calling himself Prime Minister to dominate and control the politics of this country.—(ArHause.) They wanted people to control their representatives', the representatives to control the Executive, and the Executive to set itseh seriously to the task of attending to the business of the country according to the indication of the people's will.—(Applause.) Instead of government of the people by the people for the people, they had in New Zealand g' vernment of the people by the party leader for the party. That sort of thing ought to end- He

was tnereiore in lavur ui uu : i —Elective Executive, — and opposed to the principle of government by party. Just now, instead of the per.-ole controlling Parliament, and Parliament controlling the Executive, the people were only in a very moderate sense controlling Parliament, and Parliament was dominated and controlled absolutely by the Executive—calling itself the Government of the country. _ _ He wptumake every individual Minister responsible directly to the Honse for the prooer management of his department, and removable by a vote of the House. Mr Seddon met with a good deal of abuse. and adverse criticism, but after all he was only a characteristic product of ft | vicious system. He was a strong map, born to rule, thrown |ntp circumstances i in which it was practically : imposswie, for him to escape exercising his dominating I characteristic. He had become o benevolent despot. H# ; was very much overburdened, having no less than seven departments under his charsre. He ha 4 incomnctent colleagues- Sir _ Joseph Ward was the. rnl.v outstanding one i amongst them. Only Pir Josenh and I Mr f-'eddon could do effective platform work in tb.6 interests of the party, and between them they -carried the whole burden of the administration of the wrnntry as well. It was impossible under sn<h osoditious that-tbi aVsjaartmente pf the could be affectively administered.—(A«-' plause.) Thin proposal hisd been bpgqgpt up menv times in .the House, and a.m»MH t'if <»* **» faeewmbw* of the Sonee vtofedJ I for it The nrobeu of the-Mtofebey KW

solid against at, and no "wonder. He would say nothing about |fc»erybpto pjgfiiiaed ihafc How hj& it crip to pae* iB a oolony likft this ttiafcihe Jfym& m *<j be <md«lf iJid bis heweai uKftjstand how the Council was fonnedf The Premier was chosen by the Governor because he was the leader of a party in the House. He chose his colleagues, and the Premier reconunended-.—practically appointed—every member of the Legislative Council. Ami yet we called ourselves a democracy, and said that we had tn» representative G»r vernmenit. It was a mockery and a sham—a mepe delwjiop. &**& OI *&* MMW"*' menta to the Council had resulted in its degradation. And no* the, Leader frf ib* Government, after fourteen years of appointments made by bimself, so that the Legislative Council now contained a majority oi his oj?n nomuu.es, said that that Council was only fit to be ended. It WW a startling rejection on hie Admhugwtwn. Mr Adams reminded his heavers that the Auckland Tjradss and Labor Council had thanked the Premier for making an appointment, because, they said, it was one of thos* that made #» »bq}it«» 9* «*"- Legislative pouqpil easier, he:pg £ PBRUc and a disgra<ae.—( Applause.) He did nob say that these thujas were ,w*pe thaq what the Leader of the Opposition might have done under similar "circumstanoas I but it was one of «tb* abuse* of the party system which would have to be put down. The Lesislative Conned needed reformation not abolition. No one would say that the Jaws as they pasted from the Lower House did *not require revision, but they wanted honorable and upright men capable of revising the laws. They wpuld never get the desired Council while the present system of nomination obtained. He did not care a rap for the friends of either party, but wanted to see the legislative Hall filled by men of the necessary ability and experience in public matte?s.->-(Ap-plattas.) The remedy, he thought, would be found in the elective system. Jge wa." utterly opposed to nomination by anyone. He admitted " that there were difficulties If the Legislative Council were elected by the same districts as the House of Repre sentativesj on the same franchise, it would siirplv be a duplicate of the Lower House; if larger districts were made, the poor canddate who co"ld pot afford to work and canvass- a wide area would be placed at a disadvantage, and thai must not be. Every elective office in this colony should be available to every man who had sufficient int'lligence, ability, and honesty to entitle him to ask for the suffrages of nia fellows. —(Applause.) . Other proposals might be made. Members of the Council might be elected by members of both Houpeg sitting together for the purpose oi filling vacancies as they occurred. Or it might: go dipeetly to the people to fill those vacannjas. He admitted thjat there were difficujtisa W such a system, 'but, even so, they conld never be so great as the difficulties of the present system, where the Premier nominated at his own discretion It did not matter wli -ther a man was fit for the position, the Premier had the power, and had exercised it, of putting that man into the Uppei House.—(Applause.) The alternatives he suggested would rid the present system of many of ite abuses, and give the people a chance to express their wishes properly. He (Mr Adams) had for about twenty years been constantly appealing to the people. He was pot willing to say with the Premier "I will trust the peopje." The very use of such a phrase was an impropriety. Tie people niigbi trust their leaders, put the leadens most not trust the people, but do the things the people desired in their own interests.—(Applause.) He did not wish to minimise the importance of the politician. It was his duty to educate and improve the people, and he was expected to feel the responsibility of the position to which he might be elected. At times of great stress or exoiteemnt, top, it might be his doty to withstand the tide of popular feelinsr, and try to guide it to reasonableness. But in the last resort the people ha"d to bear the stress of government, and they should have the abspGute right to cay the Uet word on the legislation which them. Therefore be was not afraid of the peopje. He did not suggest a referendum*—thai would lessen the responsibility of 1&0 represenJtytwe—but he' did favor a referendum on important matters affecting the welfare of the people. Such a measure, when passed by the House, couid be submitted to thrtn, and the people should have the final right of accepting or' rejecting it before it came into force. This system had been in successful operation for about thirty years in some countries. In America it was used over and over again, and it was not found to have a reactionary effect. He did not believe eifher that it would, as had been suggested, result in a flood of Socialistic legislation. The people were level-headed, and would not allow tihemselves to be carried away. In the beginning they yjuld limit it to Bills already

a word. He be.ieved it would be a nieasure of safety. He wished to say a few, words about —The Conduct of the Business of the Colony.-r-The Premier held the offices of Prime Minister, Colonial Treasurer, Minister of Labor, Minister of Defence, Minister in charge of the Government Insurance Department and Public Trust Office, Minister of Education, and finally Minister' of Immigration.— (Laughter and cheers.) . Was it possible that any man could efficiently control and administer all these departments, and at t'he same time attend to electioneering matters as the Premier did? In a country such as. this no man had any right to take to himself so great a power as that.—(Applause.) Were they to be told that Mr Seddon held all these portfolios ,because none of his colleagues was capable of undertaking any of that work? Of nineteen departments to be administered, ten were administered by two men, and nine by the remaining six members of the Ministry, and this was so because the Ministry was filled up largely with men. who were practically incompetent. —(Applause.) There was not a single matter in connection with the machinery of tha colony, except those under the control of Sir Joseph Ward, which was not settled by Mr Seddon. In the recess Mtnistera, instead of attending to the business of the country, went up and down the country electioneering.—(Applause.) If it were not for this incubus of party government, Ministers would be content to attend to that business, and the business would be more efficiently conducted. —(Applause.) These outside duties had to be performed, too, but surely it was not necessary that the Prime Minister should leave Parliament and all the burden of State to come to Dunedin and open a Maternity Home. —Rushed Legislation.—

As a result of the state of affairs indicated, the business of the country was never ready for Parliament, and week after week was wasted debating the Address-in-Reply, because Ministers had not the business ready. After weeks of profitless discussion Bills were thrown upon the table, and members were suppoed fce make themselves acquainted with these Bills in a ridiculously short time. These. Bilk west often ru&hed through at railway speed, and in consequence nine out of ten members did not understand whan was going through, and blundering legislation was the result, ine the present Ministry's power ore*'6o3 Acts had been placed on the Statute Book, and. the Premier referred to the fact with pride. The Premier did not mention that of these 600 Acts more thap half had had to be either repealed or amended because they were ill-aigosted, djroonsjdttred attempts at the eoiatioa of legislative problems.—(Applauae.) This was legation by exhaustion. Members were compelled to pretend to consider thf needs of the fqlony when they were dope up and shoujd be in their beds. The Premier, mo was or had been * strong SWfl physically, was able to force measures through by the sheer weariness of the members. This was supposed 'to be intelligent legislation. In wality it was a' tsm''fm a *W a:- r( A P; pW.) .As 'Shops and DJH&e Art w*« "«Xb WgrtiTO that *)}« Admi»i*tration were'Ji&ffin ,w M | jpto <wM*%», W&f<s& erij.was *sw'T(ws3a* tbronah at hours When it

-u mvs.'.fjfprevnuiaa... . L - — — ■/*< ' s ' # , 4 as ' -minutes alt Jour there had 'tea) any Malversation of the Sbbp jdiat practice. He M noa«MFppa Jftat. /\W»t he did .BMt/WMllSr Tim*? should see that their business waf earned through in an intellugHit and. |*«mly way, and that there, opportunity for jobs and improprieties in connection with our legislation and finance; and that could only be when we' had put an end to legislation by exhaustion, which itself could only be feat rid «f by puttjug an. and to party g* Yetnmejffj. If Ministers were .to attend to t|jsir buspnesß another reform might easily be made." The committees set up every session were mad* l unwieldy, and the condi* tions under which they were to work were such as to make adequate attention to their dutjes impqrflibje-. Jto&ters threw -into the committee, rooms ai} sorts of matters that had not begn prepared, during the re cess; the wearied with night sittings; c»uhjr n& ~&t #ieir >§rk in ?h» mofnings, business was thrown back intfl the House iIJ-pgnsjderEd and ilk digested, A jfcjr m onr metbpdß in or4er tbftt lb,e cbpducfc of pubjv bn inejs M Jje or a uroper toeting—(Applaqsa,) —Money Matters.— Our finajnee- wa* tnwiet, and ewryqne WW lighted J» kiow liat oup revenue was m, creasing, beisg now between seven and eight millions. That was a large sum. We sometimes forgot, however, that after all this came out o{ oof own pockets. Tnis djd not strike us because it* was collected in small amouptg from one and another. Nevertheless, tfee e»lesy was tp he congra/tnlated on the fast that the revenue was buoyant and inpwasjng. The Government claimed credit for this; also for the mcre&sing pooulaUon.---{l < aughter.) He did net thmk &e Governmept could be responsible for both; he did not think they were resnonsjb> for either,' «p4',t>s* ?Pr **» paAy w.-tem w« skould not bear, eo BW>™ about this elflffli. W«) 1»4 o« r *>?** dazzled QYBiy yeot by risioas of brilliant surpluses. This yeai tfte surplus was a, reco*d—: J8761,008 surplus of revenue over expenditure.- So said the JJon, |t. J. Seddon. And so said he (Mr Adams) not. If this £7SJ.,OOQ came from revenue it V&s ft Ratter for sincere cnpgratHhitjon. W our ??" aounts bad been properly kept, and this surplus was reaHy if it be—rtbat i«, Uje ba)ai>ce remaining under Consolidated Fund after crediting to that fund n*oneys that should go to Oonsolid.ated Fund, and "after debiting it wjth moneys that should be paid out of k for current or regulariy-recurnrig expenditure—r-then it wgs a result" on which the Colonial Treasurer was very much, to be congratulated. But he (Mr Adams) was afraid that much of this money did not really belong to the Consolidated Fund, and that the surpluses exited on papep only.— (A Voice: "No.") Mr Seddon claimed that during hi* tenure of office there had "been nearly ?is L "i?*^" 1 ?^ suTphres, and that fi4.3§6,000 had been transferred from consolidated funds, from genuine reyei™, to the Bup"-"o Work* Fund "he capital account of the colony. If true jt would be a brilKaot achievoment. But it was t» be feared that the statement wee misleading. As evidence on that point, be would cive the meeting extracts from Mr J. A. "MJUays speaeh «t DiinedJn on the 2nd June last. Mr Millar, referrJng to Ok allesed transfer of four and a-helf milla>np to the Public Work' Fund, said : "Bevenui received from the taxation channels of th< colonv bad never produced that money Jf thev were deoeiviflg anyone, it was not the British money-Jenwr; he was too cute to be deceived at all. If they were deesiying anyone, they were decejving tb*ni selves by making themselves beijeve that after mying all- the working expenses o' the colony they had frhi* amount to trans-1 fe>. JtOW rejeaeed sinking fund© the Pre j mier had fi1.234,065, from sweretions to sinking funds fi1.601,200, and from the i salo of Crown lands £1,264,0T5—0r a total of £4,009,340 out-'of the £6,680,654, the total surplus from revenue beins 51,640,214," Again: "From j»v*nue tip net amount paid into tie Public WorkFund, however, wise 54,356.000, less £4,089,340, or only £265,000. Was it wier to deceive into believing that during these fourteen rears they had had'a surplus revenue of ftve pj H (Mr Adaips) claimed that in statemente Mr Millar bad proved the case against U» geoujpeness of the surpluses snowing that the Premier'* claim to hare had nearly ax millions of accumulated surpluses during his term of office was absolutely unfounded, and made up of, amon' other things, over four mUlions received from sinking ftmß end sale of lands; and the roan who talked of tftk'ng sinkin? fund money and la<nd sale money and calling it revenue was a man who did: not understand the first elements of finance. —(Applause.) Was it right for the Oovernmrat' to mani - pulate the public funds for electioneering purposes?—(Applause.) This question wac

pertinent when on© considered the —Public Works Statement — of tfeie Beqsioo, We were io for a boom in public works expenditure. We ware also to have an election this year. The people were to be led to believe there was to be a boom. That- wm eootigh.—<Laughter.) He said thatfthe Public Works Fund of the cokxny -was b&ttlg used for electioneering purposes, and he made the statement with a Wfl eenise of responsibility.—(Apr plauf«.) The Premier took praise to him self, for the fact that there was £861,000 to the credit of the Public Works Fund. Why was tbo credit so target Because the votes authorised by Parliament had not been expended. Why, with eo large a balance, had not the Government prosecuted such works ae the Otago Central. Cutlin River, Midland, and North Island Trunk Railways? Wo were promised that, all thaee things would be done this year.— (Lauerhter.) It was election year. We had a £861,000 hßJajirp available for public works; we were to have £60,000 transferred from the ConsoTdated Fund, making £1,461,000; but the Premier proposed to spend £2,286,000 this year in public works, and be wu3d do that by borrowing a , million. this mjiJSwt If the ! money was Kally to he spent, one would j not be indued to object; but would it be j spent? In view of actual expenditure, how did the Government propose to spend two and a-quartar millkmq m twelve, months? We had. a siowW experience at last election. It waa simply votes, votes, vote*; party, party, party! The people should insist thai votes passed fay Parliament ahoaM be expended' in the year in. which they were authorised for expenditure.—(Applause.) He would say a word about the —Public Revenue* Act—of 1900 It wag a necessary Act, but in 1900 a/ (OBipßratfyely slight amendment was

mbae oy dropping we wvru mipiw> om of one of the clauses - Members could not have Hffbkwd whet was hnirig acne. The amendment, though a slight ope, had serious consequences. The dropping of iixc Tnord gawe fo a*s'MfnUfty the power of dwer*W£ a portion ' or' if reed be, ti=e whole of" nay particular vote to any other \<<te m the earns dlass at .Estimates. Ttey viuld, for m«t*ncs. have a sum voted l«»r the 'jtaeo Osolral Railway Ministers, after parliamwt had prorogued, goin? i>ver the Estimates, owld: wy: " £IOO,OOO m vptod for mt Ohm pWftwl; it oaght not t»b»«*pt. I*t us take «320,tt» pg itaud put it on the Nortin Mlend Tnink Railway." And that had been sapfe legal by the pausing of thja top. Ifss*af* w«b * genuine surplus, the money Ought to be need for ' alter purpose* thoj»elecMpnee*ing. .Wby*4 the @ovetw»ept not take. «& spm* of tb* 4flt>w?—<Af*kiuae,» Why 44w«M the working man be oompellad tp pay wepeeeed prices for the neeessaigee of life in order to swyU the surplus of tic tkfaaui Troasurer. —(Applause.) - t Tfc> poodttfem of teal w wiy ' nMaiisfwtoTy indeed. wwr* a v«ry large number of lop&l pp-opt i Bffgre tfeft' shottM be m'^-W 1 *» <g*

% p**§« Off Omnv v°*te**,& r tare I ' • - " —Police Oomudssioiia —

witiiin the last few years, and each trM they had had scandals Jn connection with our police force. The police were sdb paid "an adequate sum to justify us in expecting the best men to enter tbea- ranhs. —(A]>Bkusfel T>e r«BU of the ]«s fflSgj»J jW flat certain transfers were recommended. He could not say whether the recommendations of the Commission were jcetined, and lie conld not saj if it wm » JMjbt U&tt that Inspector Olßrien should be censured and removed, fcus he $4 know this-.lf thai* vena ebeuatttaaces wbidb 3«»»«« such a thing as that, the proper coarse toen was not removal to another part of the colony, where the aamo objoaes nli£hs be carried on,

The Education Dsparunent wa» by far the most important dbputmant in the cpionj.— (Hear, hear.) Our edacation systam the rule of three. Oar teachers sbouU be the procurahje, and they shoujd be ma'de comfortable. Tne proper adjnjn|atration of that portfolio would suffice to absorb tb* ea«rm«}s pf th# ablest man in the iI»SJS&y it b« 4»d else, ftft the departmept was allowed to drift along in absolute chaos, pow cgnld Mr Seddoa attend to ij witb all a>ja£her duties? « was not attended tc. The policy of the education system seemed tp be-simply » s d, lit* Minister hai to attend b«M|«ets and electioneering meetings, and tbe wort p| the department wss kdt t» secretaries and understrapper«. , Our teachen* were ua4* r * paid, the boards were hainnered want of'fpnds, the efficiency qf fte system w lsjwered, *n4 <*«r cUtldrea's sonered because their training WML.driftjpg Bto the hands oi uncerti#cafced and inepmnetest teaebtsrs.' We «Wt«4 ft ca»d»t*on of primary, secondary, and njurersdy e dnca ; tion; we must haye adequate ealariWi on merit and npt on "average attendance; the sauries sbould have regplar knowu increases, so that teachers might marry and be comfortable; »nd we wanted indu?e? ments tn tbe best of onr young P«P le to come out and be trained fpr the teaching profession.—(Applause.) As to the fiibk fn sohools, he was not) in sympatljy witb tbe agination fpr ?«Mg>°»9 teacUJßg jn BW sehoflg. -r- (AppJunse,) , He was pot in fovor of apytbing tfeat would open && doar to clericalism. He was prepared to support a proposal, with the consent of parents, that the system in vogue in the bjgh schools :hQuld be extended to the primary sehools; tijat a, portion of the Bible and the lord's Prayer might be read at Qmnm, VJtb W»a ponecience clanse. Furtber than that he did not think it wogdd be wise or jn the inr terests of the community tq go- On

—The lms Questionhe was against the amrujajtien or retention of large estates, but wag In favor of the purchase and subilivision of large estates. He objected to the lease in perpetuity, for it had all the viees alleged against the freer hold, and none of its redeeming qualities. He would givs liberal concession* SO backKock settlers, and was opposed to selling tho freehold to leasees at its original valuation- He considered lessees is nerpetoity <hould pay land tax. He believed in the optional system, and would give leases to afi men willing to take them, and not refuse the freehold to the man who desired it.—' (Applause.) In his opinion, however, the question of tenure "was rather al secondary question. The first- interest of the State was that it should have bona, fide settlers, and have the land put to its right IMP, a»d, given that condition, it was of eooondary importance to the State whether the ma* who put it to the best use held it by freehold or by leasehold tenure. He would say a word or two as to —^Labor.—

He had always believed in unions, and had 4w»ys svnipathased heartily with the cjera caWed the working roes of this country. He beljey«d in unions po*J» of .emptoyera and employees, and would do. highest to aid all fair proposals made in the interests of either orker or employer, as he was satisfied that their interests were identical. Referring; to Mr Millar's recent address at his :ng for tho appointment of bis committees, he said be agreed with Mr Millar when be stated that neither Mr Adams nor himself could affeqt the Local Option vote, But the question was a very different one when they came to consider Mr Milled as his opponent in Parliament. Mr Millar recognised that this question wa» a most momentous one. So did he. He (Mr Adams) had had something to do with the local Option vote.— (Umi applause.) In eon* elusion, Mr Adams sajd be had pome before them with a feeling of grant personal responsibility, and they coold reat assured that if he were elected ae their representative he should never caat a vote of which fee would be ashamed, and never advocate a principle that tended to immorality and vrrong,—(Applause.) —Questions. — Replying to questions, Mr Adams said he agreed entirely with Mr Millar in bis statement that compulsory preference to unionists would be the greatest injury that could be don© to unionists themselves. He was of opinion that a RotbJ Cbmmiiwon of experts, should be set up to report a» soon a* possible on an effective method of dealing with the trnst eviL He was not a Freetrader, and not an absolute out-and-out Protectionist. He was not in favor of imposing such duties aa would be oppressive to the people in order to wet-nurse industries unsuitable to the colony, —Vote of Confidence.— Mr J. G. Smyth moved, and Mr A. H. Burton seconded —" That tbis meeting tender to Mr Adams their heartiest thank* for his excellent and well-delivered address, and also express their utmost 'confidence in him as a fit and proper person to represent this "constituency. . The motion was carried unanimously.